Category: ninoy

The Ninoy Aquino cases

TONY LA VIÑA

Following the proclamation of Martial Law in the Philippines, petitioner Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Jr. was arrested on September 23, 1972, pursuant to General Order 2-A of the President (Ferdinand Marcos) for complicity in a conspiracy to seize political and state power in the country and to take over the Government.

Aquino was detained at Fort Bonifacio in Rizal province. On September 25, 1972, he sued for a writ of habeas corpus in which he questioned the legality of the proclamation of Martial Law and his arrest and detention.

Aquino then filed before the Supreme Court an action to restrain the respondent military commission from proceeding with the trial of his case set for August 27, 1973.

He challenged the jurisdiction of the military commission to try him for crimes – four counts of subversion, one illegal possession of firearms, and one murder—he allegedly committed and for which he was arrested and detained since the proclamation of martial law.

In questioning the jurisdiction of the military commission, petitioner insisted he was a civilian, and his trial by a military commission deprived him of his right to due process, since in his view the due process guaranteed by the Constitution to persons accused of “ordinary” crimes meant judicial process.

The High Court, in dismissing the petition in Aquino vs. Commission, ruled that the military commission had competent jurisdiction over the accused, reasoning that:

“Martial law lawfully declared, creates an exception to the general rule of exclusive subjection to the civil jurisdiction, and renders offenses against the laws of war, as well as those of a civil character, triable, at the discretion of the commander (as governed by a consideration for the public interests and the due administration of justice), by military tribunals.

“It has been said that in time of overpowering necessity; public danger warrants the substitution of executive process for judicial process.

“The immunity of civilians from military jurisdiction must, however, give way in areas governed by martial law. When it is absolutely imperative for public safety, legal processes can be superseded and military tribunals authorized to exercise the jurisdiction normally vested in courts.”

On whether due process can be guaranteed by a military tribunal, the Court was of the opinion that the guarantee of due process was not a guarantee of any particular form of tribunal in criminal cases.

A military tribunal of competent jurisdiction—accusation in due form, notice, and opportunity to defend and trial before the impartial tribunal present—adequately meets the due process requirement. Due process of law does not necessarily mean a judicial proceeding in the regular courts.

For the Court then, the guarantee of due process, viewed in its procedural aspect, requires no particular form of procedure.

It implies due notice to the individual of the proceedings, an opportunity to defend himself and the problem of the propriety of the deprivations, under the circumstances presented, must be resolved in a manner consistent with essential fairness.

It means essentially a fair and impartial trial and reasonable opportunity for the preparation of the defense.

The procedure before the Military Commission, as described in Presidential Decree 39, assures observance of the fundamental requisites of procedural due process, such as due notice, an essentially fair and impartial trial, and reasonable opportunity for the preparation of the defense.

On the issue whether petitioner’s trial before the military commission will not be fair and impartial, as the President had prejudged petitioner’s cases and the military tribunal is a mere creation of the President, and “subject to his control and direction.”

The Court had this to say: “Prejudice cannot be presumed, especially if weighed against the great confidence and trust reposed by the people upon the President and the latter’s legal obligation under his oath to ‘do justice to every man.’

“Nor is it justifiable to conceive, much less presume, that the members of the military commission, the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the Board of Review and the Secretary of National Defense, with their corresponding staff judge advocates, as reviewing authorities, through whom petitioner’s hypothetical conviction would be reviewed before reaching the President, would all be insensitive to the great principles of justice and violate their respective obligations to act fairly and impartially in the premises.”

The court added that this assumption must be made because innocence, not wrongdoing, is to be presumed.

The presumption of innocence includes that of good faith, fair dealing and honesty. This presumption is accorded to every official of the land in the performance of his public duty.

There is no reason why such presumption cannot be accorded to the President of the Philippines upon whom the people during this period has confided powers and responsibilities which are of a very high and delicate nature.

The preservation of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution rests at bottom exactly where the defense of the nation rests: in the good sense and good will of the officials upon whom the Constitution has placed the responsibility of ensuring the safety of the nation in times of national peril.

What the Court did here was to reverse the long standing rule on presumption of innocence.

Instead of applying it to Ninoy Aquino, the Supreme Court gave his accusers and judges the benefit of the doubt.

Imelda (after) Marcos #Halalan2022

It is said that Ferdinand, and nation, paid very dearly for his love affair with Hollywood starlet Dovie Beams because he could not but humor Imelda at every turn of extravagance and political ambition ever after.

But was it just the Dovie scandal that turned Imelda into the power-tripping steel butterfly who fancied herself a highborn queen with crowns and tiaras and a palace to match?

Scholar Caroline S. Hau reminds that there was, too, the fact of martial law and, corollary to that, the all-important question of who would succeed the dictator Ferdinand.

HAU. The turning point for Imelda’s “rise” to power is arguably not the Dovie Beams scandal, but the declaration of martial law and the dictatorship that Marcos established in the Philippines. It is one thing to be the wife of an elected president, living in a country whose politicians are corrupt and enrich themselves at public expense, but with a free press that can criticize the president’s (and his wife’s) policies and actions and a body of elected officials to vet or else block the president’s decisions. It is another thing to be the wife of a dictator unconstrained by any institutional checks and balances, capable of putting rivals and enemies behind bars and stripping them of their assets, commanding an army to arrest anybody given the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, and helping himself to the nation’s funds and taking over various industries and turning them into personal expense accounts for himself, his wife and relatives, and his cronies and political allies.

Any number of explanations can be offered to account for Imelda’s growing clout in the martial law government, but the most important is regime maintenance, the desire of Marcos to keep himself, his closest kin, and his most trusted people in power for as long as he could. Ferdinand’s deteriorating health, the knowledge that his children were neither old nor experienced enough to “inherit” his position, the suspicion shared by all dictators that their lieutenants–especially those with strong connections to the military such as Executive Secretary Alejandro Melchor Jr. and Minister of Defense Enrile–were conspiring to build thier own power bases and ultimately dislodge the dictator in a coup d’etat: all of these would have had salience in determining (as well as upsetting) the “balance of favor” through which Marcos managed his dictatorship.

Imelda metamorphosed into the “Steel Butterfly” because she could do so and did so from 1972 onwards: there would be no institutional mechanism to hold her decisions and actions to public accountability, and there would be no one, not even an increasingly debilitated Ferdinand, to stop her from doing what she wanted. [Dovie Beams and Philippine Politics: A President’s Scandalous Affair and First Lady Power on the Eve of Martial Law. Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints, September-December 2019. pp. 595-634. Ateneo de Manila University. p623]

I believe Ferdinand was already grooming Imelda to succeed him when he appointed her Governor of the newly-created Metro Manila Commission in 1975, and then Minister of Human Settlements in 1976, and Ambassador Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary in 1978.

He did not have much of a choice. Who else but Imelda could he trust with the children’s future. Who else but Imelda shared his dream of a Marcos dynasty “reigning for ever and ever” as in Handel’s “Hallelujah Chorus”.

This is why Ninoy Aquino, the only one who posed a serious challenge to the Marcos dynasty dream, had to go. ‘Yun nga lang, sumabit sa execution at sa post-production. Hindi bumenta sa audience ang storya nina Marcos at Ver na si Galman ang pumatay kay Ninoy sa tarmac.

The evidence of a military conspiracy was clear: a soldier shot Ninoy from behind, midway down the service stairs. The airport security had been so tight, Galman could only have been part of the military conspiracy to kill Ninoy and blame it on the communists.

Because the people saw through all the lies, na-EDSA ang mga Marcos. Poetic justice.

EXILE

The ouster in 1986 was totally unexpected, and unacceptable, to the disgraced tandem and their kids who had expected to live happily forever and ever in the Palace by the Pasig. To the (his) very end in September 1989, Ferdinand schemed and maneuvered for a quick forceful comeback, the surest way to bring back the good old days of impunity ASAP. But the coup attempts kept failing and he died just two months before the last, the biggest, the bloodiest, attempt which failed anyway because America played knight in shining armor to Cory’s damsel in distress.

I imagine that in the ailing Ferdinand’s lucid moments over those three years and a half when they were in Hawaii, and he was in and out of hospital, aching to go home, na paulit-ulit nilang napag-usapan ni Imelda, at napag-isipan nang malalim, exactly HOW to get the family back to the Pinoy future, with the patriarch’s luster restored.

No doubt Ferdinand continued to mentor | lecture Imelda on the ways of the law, and of politics, and of propaganda. Surely that famous line “Perception is real, truth is not” is a Marcos legacy, his very own political mantra passed on to Imelda and now the kids. It explains all the lying, all the denials, all the twisted stories, repeated endlessly over a decade on all media, so that people have started believing the bogus Marcos version of martial law and EDSA history.

BACK TO THE FUTURE

Looking back now on Imelda’s trajectory upon her return from exile, it is clear that she came home in November 1991 not just to face and plead innocent to ill-gotten wealth court cases and the like, but to work on denying and disputing all accusations of wrongdoing by her husband and herself, including the Ninoy assassination, if not in judicial courts then before the bar of public opinion.

And, let’s give it to her, the Marcos widow has done exactly that in the last 30 years, to the point that many decry the alleged persecution of the Marcoses and believe they deserve a second gig in the Palace.

BACK IN BUSINESS 1992-2016

She lost in the ’92 presidential elections but Bongbong won a seat in Congress as Ilocos Norte rep.  In ’93 she was convicted for graft but the case was on appeal so she was out on bail, praise the law, I mean, the lord.  Also in ’93 she lost the bid to bury Marcos in Libingan ng mga Bayani but at least she got him back home in Ilocos to display in a museum while awaiting more opportune times.  In ’95 Bongbong lost his first run for the senate but Imelda won the seat he vacated in Congress as Ilocos rep.  In ’98 she again ran for president but withdrew a few weeks before E-day and threw her support behind landslider Erap who ordered Marcos’s burial in Libingan ng mga Bayani (LNMB) even before he had taken his oath, but the outrage was so huge, the new prez backed off.  Consuelo de bobo: Imee ran for Ilocos rep and won the first of three consecutive terms.

By 2000 the campaign to free the convicted killers in the Aquino assassination, in jail then for some 14 years (counting from ’86), was in full swing, fueled by one of the convicts, Sgt. Pablo Martinez—one of 16 lowly-ranked officers serving double life sentences for Ninoy’s and Galman’s killings—who confessed in ’94 that he had been Galman’s handler, claimed he saw Galman shoot Ninoy on the tarmac, and named a general and a businessman identified with Danding Cojuangco who allegedly gave him and Galman their orders on the morning of the 21st of August 1983.

The story didn’t gain traction because Martinez was lying–Galman did not shoot Ninoy–but over the years, everytime August rolled around, media would keep repeating and speculating on the story, eventually succeeding in sowing doubt about Marcos and Ver as co-conspirators and throwing shade on Danding Cojuangco instead as the mastermind.  By the 20th anniversary of the assassination, the big lies had taken hold.

In 2005 Imelda Marcos threw her support behind Gloria Arroyo when the prez needed it most, after the Hello-Garci scandal, which must have counted a lot because in November 2007 Arroyo started releasing the killers of Ninoy and Galman after serving only one of two life sentences.  By March 2009 they all walked free, they had suffered enough, it was said; they might even be innocent like Marcos, it was also said.  In 2016 Bongbong ran for VP and almost won.  Imelda won anyway: Marcos got his hero’s burial in November, though behind closed gates.  In 2019 Imee won a seat in the senate.  And now Bongbong’s running for prez.

NEXT STOP, THE PALACE?

Imelda’s incredibly close to fulfilling the Marcos dream.  Can we still stop her | them at this point?

Our only fighting chance is to prevail upon Isko, Ping, and Manny to withdraw from the race for love of country—make the battle one-on-one as in the time of Cory.  With all of the opposition ganging up on Marcos-Duterte may panalo tiyak si Robredo.  Sa VP race, may the best man win—sana may bulagaan!

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Read Randy David’s “If Marcos Jr. becomes president” https://opinion.inquirer.net/151481/if-marcos-jr-becomes-president

 

EDSA ’86 — Aquino vs. Marcos lang daw ?!?

SABI-SABI NG MGA MARCOS #1

Ang EDSA daw ay hindi pag-aalsa laban kay Marcos nung 1986.  Ang EDSA daw ay laban lang ng dalawang political families: Aquino vs Marcos.

HINDI TOTOO.

Ang EDSA ay pag-aalsa ng taongbayan kontra-Marcos nang dinaya ni Marcos ang snap election.

Dati nang gawi ni Marcos ang pandaraya sa  mga referendum at eleksyon in the 14 years of Martial Law – lutong Makoy, ika nga.

Yung 1986 snap election ang naging last straw.  Agad kasing napatunayan ng taongbayan na may nagaganap na dayaan nung mag-walk-out ang computer technicians ng COMELEC — iba daw ang vote-count nila sa vote-count na ibinibigay sa mga media na hawak ni Marcos.

Balita pa ng NAMFREL, sa mga balwarte ng Oposisyon may tatlong milyong rehistradong botante ang hindi nakaboto – nag-disappear na lang ang names nila sa voters’ lists.  Icing on the cake na lang ang confession ni Enrile nung Feb 22 na dinaya nila si Cory sa Cagayan.

Taongbayan na dinaya ang kalaban ni Marcos noong EDSA.

Taongbayan na sawang-sawa na sa panunupil at korapsyon ang nanindigan laban kay Marcos noong EDSA.

KUNG AWAY-PAMILYA LANG ang kina Marcos at Ninoy … gusto lang ni Marcos na mapatahimik si Ninoy … bakit buong bansa ang isinailalim sa Martial Law?

Kung si Ninoy lang ang problema, bakit umabot si Marcos sa Proclamation 1081 at Batas Militar?

ANG TOTOO:  Ang goal talaga ni Marcos ay mamuno sa Pilipinas habangbuhay.  Bagong Lipunan = Marcos Dynasty.  Marcos Forever.  Pagkatapos niya, si Imelda.  At pag-ready na, si Imee.  Na puwede lang mangyari kung walang Ninoy at kung tuloy-tuloy ang Batas Militar.

Pero dahil may isang astig na Ninoy Aquino na nanindigan laban sa diktador, na siya niyang ikinamatay, lalong namulat ang taongbayan sa tapang at kabayanihan ni Ninoy at sa kalupitan, panunupil, at panlilinlang ng rehimeng Marcos.

ANG TAONGBAYAN AT SI CORY

Taongbayan na mulat sa demokrasya at kalayaan ang nag-udyok kay Cory na tumakbong pangulo noong 1986.

At nang dayain ni Marcos ang snap election, taongbayan ang nagbigay-buhay sa crony boycott ni Cory.  Ika-pitong araw na ng boykot nang mag-defect sina Enrile at Ramos.  [Humahabol much?]

Sa kainitang iyon ng boykot, parang hulog ng langit ang datíng ng military defection.  Wow.  May armed forces na si Cory?!?  Agad sumaklolo sa EDSA ang taongbayan.

Ayun pala, hindi type ni Cory ang dalawang bandido, and vice versa,

Si Ramos ang nagpa-aresto kay Ninoy close to midnight of September 22 1972. Si Enrile ang “jailer” ni Ninoy 1972-1980.

Kung si Cory ang nasunod noong nag-defect sina Enrile, sa Luneta niya yinaya ang supporters niya, hindi sa EDSA.  Mas gusto niya sanang manood lang from the sidelines habang nagbabanatan at nagpapatayan ang puwersang repormista at puwersang loyalista. [Imagine. What if.]

Pero napangunahan ng taongbayan si Cory.  Sumusugod na sila sa EDSA nang nabalitaan ni Cory ang defection.  Humaharang na sila sa tangke nang bumalik si Cory from Cebu.

PEOPLE POWER

Sa huli, nang kumaripas ng takbo ang mga Marcos, hindi ito dala ng takot sa lumalakas na armadong puwersa ng kaaway – nagmamadali silang umexit dala ng matinding takot sa (unarmed) People Power na nagbabadya sa gates ng Malacañang.

People Power din, na nagbabadya sa gates ng Clark Air Base, ang ikinatakot ni Gen. Teddy Allen kaya siya humingi ng permiso sa Washington DC na ilipad paalis ng Pinas, sa lalong madaling panahon, ang  barkadang Marcos-Danding-Ver.

Ibang klase ang powers ng taongbayan kapag mulat, maraming marami, at nagkakaisa.  Walang armas, pero matapang at umaasinta.  Who knows what People Power can do?  Or make happen?

Iyan ang fear ni Marcos nung Pebrero 25 1986.  Hindi na siya in-control.  Mabigat  ang kalaban.  Anything could happen.  Kaya sila tumakbo.

BLACK PROP

Siyempre baliktad ang version of the story ng Marcos heirs.  Wala-lang daw ang EDSA, pulitika lang, away ng dalawang pamilya, kinidnap nga sila, kawawa naman sila.

Ang kakapal.

Ang kampanya ni Marcos Jr. is built on huge lies that paint the Marcoses all good and the Aquinos and EDSA all evil. 

Anything to justify a return to the Palace. 

Grabe ang riches at stake, ill-gotten and all. 

Worth na worth lying for, in the Marcos playbook.

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read the marcos curse https://stuartsantiago.com/the-marcos-curse- 

Bongbong’s agenda #Halalan2022

On this 89th birth anniversary of Ninoy Aquino — murdered at the Manila International Airport (MIA) in 1983 under the watch of the dictator Ferdinand Marcos — the son Ferdinand Jr. is shamelessly running for president, using all resources (read ill-gotten wealth) and connections (read cronies old and new) and internet platforms (YouTube & Tiktok & Facebook) to “slither” back to the Palace with the imeldific one in tow.

If we allow this to happen, Imelda will be the biggest winner of all.  I dare reckon that the “carefree and lazy” son will operate exactly like the dictator.  #LikeFatherLikeSon

1  He will get the Courts to overturn the 7 guilty verdicts sentencing Imelda Marcos to a total of 42-77 years in prison for graft and tax evasion.

2  He will permanently stop all investigations and court hearings of Marcos ill-gotten wealth cases still pending, so far involving at least P126 billion more in land, condos, apartments, resthouses, jewelry, paintings, and shares of stocks.

3  He will get the BIR to waive | forgive the Marcos Estate tax debt that started out at P23 Billion + when Marcos died, which Imelda refused to pay and so it has grown to some P203 Billion + because of aggregated penalties and interests over the last 32 years.

4  He will take back the royally awesome jewelry collections — appraised value P1 billion — that Imelda Marcos claims to be hers even if she bought them with ill-gotten wealth.

5  He will get the Department of Education to “fix” … revise … textbooks that paint the martial law years as abusive and corrupt.

6  Last but not least, he will get Congress to pass a law changing the name of the international airport — from NAIA to M.I.A. — Marcos International Airport.

#BlockMarcos #NeverAgain