Kulto ni Cayetano

Does Alan Peter Cayetano realize that if he had not allowed Bato to escape, if he had let the NBI arrest him once the Senate was not in session, we actually could be forgiving him for the coup and giving him a chance to finally win our trust? Ah, but obviously it’s not our trust he wants to win but our minds that he wants to change re EJKs and Rodrigo Duterte‘s crimes against humanity. Kesyo the drug war was justified because drugs kill. But so did Duterte and Bato and their cohorts, kill, and violently, without mercy. Earl Parreño calls it mythmaking, distorting facts to conceal the abuses of power. 

SP Cayetano’s dangerous mythmaking
Earl G. Parreno
May 25, 2026

Throughout our country’s history, as in many parts of the world, political leaders have relied not only on power, policies, or institutions, but also on myths. These myths are not always outright lies, although some clearly are. More often, they are carefully constructed stories designed to give politicians a sense of moral purpose, shared identity, and historical destiny. They simplify complex realities into narratives that ordinary people can emotionally understand and believe in.

But in political mythmaking, facts often become secondary. The conclusion is decided first; the arguments are constructed afterward. Events are interpreted not according to facts and truth, but according to the larger story leaders want people to accept. Political myths do not merely explain reality. More importantly, they shape how reality itself is perceived.

Alan Peter Cayetano is not the first Filipino politician to weave myths around himself, and he certainly will not be the last. The strongman Ferdinand Marcos Sr. mastered the same craft during his dictatorship. He carefully cultivated images of destiny, discipline, strength, and national rebirth. The Marcos regime subtly echoed the mythology of Malakas at Maganda and promoted the idea that Marcos was “iginuhit ng tadhana” — chosen by fate to lead the Filipino people together with Imelda Marcos. These narratives were potent political instruments designed to shape how people understood authority, legitimacy, and power itself. By wrapping political rule in the language of destiny and national salvation, criticism of the Marcos dictatorship was portrayed not merely as opposition to a political regime, but as an attack on the nation’s supposed historical mission.

Cayetano employs a similar form of mythmaking, although adapted to contemporary politics. When he declared that “Ang campaign against drugs is a human rights campaign, dahil pumapatay ang drugs,” he was doing far more than defending the policies of former president Rodrigo Duterte, in whose administration he played a central role. In the shadow of the ongoing proceedings before the International Criminal Court, Cayetano is attempting to reframe the moral meaning of the drug war itself. In his narrative, the campaign was no longer about extrajudicial killings, impunity, or abuses of state power. Instead, it was a noble mission to save families and communities from destruction. Violence was morally acceptable because the aim was to protect communities. The deaths of drug suspects were reframed as sacrifices made for the greater good of the many.

This rhetorical move is significant because it shifts attention away from the conduct of the state and redirects it toward the supposed danger posed by drugs and criminality. The focus is no longer on whether human rights were violated, but on whether society was being protected. The thousands of victims of tokhang disappear behind the larger myth of protecting citizens from criminality. Once this narrative is accepted, criticism of the drug war can easily be dismissed as indifference to crime, disorder, or the suffering of ordinary citizens affected by drugs.

But the myth that the drug war was a “human rights campaign” is only one part of Cayetano’s broader political mythmaking. Like many politicians, he surrounds himself with overlapping narratives of religiosity, “Christian life,” patriotism, family values, and concern for ordinary Filipinos. These carefully projected images aim to create moral credibility for him. They encourage his supporters to see him not simply as a politician seeking power, but as a public servant guided by higher principles and moral conviction. In this way, his personal branding evolves into political mythology.

Such narratives are powerful because they appeal not only to reason, but also to emotion, identity, and aspiration. His supporters are encouraged to believe that they are participating in something morally righteous and historically important. Political loyalty then becomes tied to personal values, religious beliefs, and even one’s sense of patriotism. Once this happens, political debate becomes more difficult because disagreement is no longer treated as a normal part of democracy. Instead, criticism is framed as hostility toward peace and order, toward the nation, or even toward the Christian faith itself.

The danger of political myths, therefore, is not only that they distort facts but that they also shield leaders from scrutiny. More significantly, it weaken the public’s capacity for critical judgment. Once leaders successfully portray themselves as defenders of morality and protectors of the people, accountability becomes harder to demand. Political narratives then stop helping people understand what is really happening and instead become tools for controlling how people see and interpret reality.

As Reza Aslan writes in God: A Human History of Religion:

“Myths are not ‘false,’ in the way we understand the word today. The significance of myths rests not in any truth claims it makes but in its ability to convey a particular perception of the world. The function of a myth is not to explain how things are but why things are the way they are.”

Every society needs shared stories to create unity and collective purpose. But democracy depends on citizens who can distinguish between narratives that illuminate truth and narratives designed to conceal abuses of power. Critical thinking begins when people ask not only what a political story says, but also what it leaves out, whose suffering it minimizes, and whose interests it ultimately protects.

And this is the danger of Cayetano’s mythmaking. It makes people believe that violence is necessary for peace and order and that killing can be morally acceptable. It makes him appear righteous while hiding behind religion and patriotism.

The public must therefore do more than reject the myth. It must unmask it. -30-

Kumustahan blues

Hurt na hurt daw sina SP Alan Peter at Sen Pia Cayetano na walang nangumusta sa kanila matapos ang putukan sa Senado. With matching crocodile tears pa si Ate Pia. Ayun pala, kinumusta sila ng ilang minority senators sa group chat. Anong drama yon?

Kitang kita pati sa news reports at mga FB live at selfie nila mismo na the guys and gals of the new majority were unharmed. Even, that they were all quite pleased with themselves, having successfully established the Duterte Bloc as the majority — thanks to the four balimbings and the ICC fugitive who made a surprise appearance, and disappearance  — which means hawak ngayon ng DDS ang impeachment trial, ligtas na si VP Sara.

Yun naman talaga ang point, di ba? To take control of the trial, find devious lawyerly ways to archive the case again or, barring that, to disallow the body of evidence that show probable cause? Kaya hindi kapanipaniwala ang chismis ni Sen Imee na ayaw din ni  PBBM na matuloy ang trial dahil maa-acquit lang si VP at mananalo sa 2028 — mas gusto daw ni PBBM na mabawi ang majority at pagkatapos ay mag-ConAss para no-elections na lang sa 2028, or something wild like that.

Bottom line, ang mantra ng DDS ay: huwag nang ituloy ang trial dahil maa-acquit naman, sayang lang ang gastos at oras at pagod.

Sey ko naman, kahit pa mangyari na maa-acquit lang ang VP, importante pa rin na masaksihan at masubaybayan ng bayan ang paglilitis, marinig ang mga ebidensiya, gayon din ang mga depensa ni VP Sara, sapagkat iyan mismo ang hinihingi ng bayan, na ipinapahiwatig ng overwhelming YES to impeachment ng 214 (of 254) congressional district reps and 42 (of 64) partylist reps. Sigaw ng SuperMajority across the archipelago ang Impeachment Trial, no ifs or buts.

Kaya ang masasabi ko lang sa Cayetano sibs na nagtatampo dahil di sila kinumusta after the putukan na wala namang nasaktan: Wala ring nangumusta sa aming mga madlang pipol matapos kaming bulagain at buwisitin at galitin ng panibagong kudeta sa senado para protektahan na naman si VP Sara. Akala ba ninyo ay puro kami closet DDS na pumapalakpak at nagdiriwang? Nakakapanlumo, sa totoo lang. Hurt na hurt din kami. Kumustahin niyo naman kami.

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Asa pa…

Kung hindi na babalik si Bato, ibig sabihin 12 na lang ang DDS bloc. At kung hindi na bumalik si Robin (?), 11 na lang. No majority, either way.

Here’s praying that all seats are declared vacant on Monday, and JV Ejercito and Migs Zubiri rejoin Sotto et al instead of abstaining again, and that the Villar sibs and Legarda-cum-Leviste come to their senses and redeem themselves by making balimbing again. Para ma-convene na ang impeachment court. #Forthwith

37 shots fired!

Habang hinihintay natin ang official report ng  PNP at ng NBI sa naganap na putukan sa Senado kahapon on Day 3 of Cayetano‘s SP gig, heto muna ang Facebook post ni Mon Tulfo at ang news report ng Abante tnt.

Ramon Tulfo (Mon) 6:48 a.m.
https://www.facebook.com/isumbongmo.kaytulfo

Ito ang tunay na nangyari sa putukan sa Senado kagabi, ayon sa aking tweety bird: The 37 shots fired came from personnel of the Senate sergeant-at-arms under Mao Aplasca.

No shots were fired by NBI agents.

Aplasca and Bato were classmates at the Philippine Military Academy (PMA).

Senate President Alan Peter Cayetano and, of course, fugitive of justice Sen. Bato staged the commotion.

They wanted to gain public sympathy and call on the stupid DDS to gather outside the Senate.

Ayaw rin ni Cayetano na matuloy ang impeachment ni VP Sara kaya gumawa siya ng scenario, ayon sa aking tweet-tweet.

Basta bading madrama, sabi ni tweety bird.

Bato nakaalis na sa Senado?
ABANTE TnT https://tnt.abante.com.ph

Nakaalis na umano sa gusali ng Senado si Senador Bato dela Rosa nitong Huwebes ng madaling-araw, Mayo 14, ayon sa impormasyong nakalap ng Abante.

Ayon sa mga source, namataan na magkasamang umalis sina Dela Rosa at Senador Robin Padilla bandang alas-3:00 hanggang alas-4:00 ng madaling-araw mula sa Senate complex.

Dagdag pa rito, ayon umano sa Senate security log, eksaktong 2:35 ng madaling-araw ang log out ni Padilla.

Kasunod ito ng nangyaring insidente ng putukan at nangyaring lockdown sa loob ng gusali noong Miyerkoles ng gabi, Mayo 13.

Kung hindi na babalik si Bato, ibig sabihin 12 na lang ang DDS bloc. At kung hindi na bumalik si Robin,  11 na lang. No majority, either way.

Here’s praying that all seats are declared vacant on Monday, and JV Ejercito and Migs Zubiri rejoin Sotto et al instead of abstaining again, and that the Villar sibs and Legarda-cum-Leviste come to their senses and redeem themselves by making balimbing again. Para ma-convene na ang impeachment court. #Forthwith