DDS vloggers are no “mosquito press”

DDS opinionators are peddling the notion that their social media vloggers (video bloggers) are today’s mosquito press, and even more powerful than the original because of the much wider reach of the internet’s platforms for disseminating info and opinions. The message to DDS vloggers and followers being, let’s not stop, we’re on the right track, people are watching and liking and sharing our posts, let’s engage and organize and hold rallies, and if we keep it up, we can oust the son just like we did the father.

But Joe Burgos’s mosquito press of martial law times that, after Ninoy’s assassination, was boosted and  amplified by Eggie Apostol’s and other anti-Marcos publications, was also purely anti-Marcos, totally focused on the struggle to end the dictatorship. And that’s what made it a powerful force in support of the widow Cory’s campaign to unseat Marcos.

Contrarily, the social media platforms — Facebook, Twitter, Tiktok, and YouTube — where anti-Marcos DDS vloggers proliferate, abound, too, with vloggers of different persuasions and politics, i.e., pro-Marcos anti-DDS as well as anti-Marcos and anti-DDS vloggers, many of whom are pro-Leni pro-Risa pro-Bam pro-Kiko pro-Leila, even pro- and anti-Tulfos.

Sa madaling salita, social media is a marketplace of ideas, even, a megamall of tsismis, everybody welcome, kanya-kanyang agenda, walang isang adbokasya o mensahe na bumebenta sa nakararami, except perhaps freedom of expression, and fake news.

Besides, in Feb 1986 the mosquito press was just a part of the Cory-led multi-sectoral opposition immersed in a 10-day Marcos crony boycott that saw banks running and the economy reeling. And VP Sara is certainly nothing like Cory.

Bring back our heroes, never mind the presidents

When I saw facsimiles of the new bank notes celebrating our flora and fauna instead of our heroes and other historical figures, my first thought was, oh no, there goes Ninoy… which led to… susunod na kaya ang NAIA? Alam naman natin how hard they have tried to paint Ninoy as the bad guy and Marcos as the good guy in that historical drama of the mid-sixties to early eighties, and that there has long been a Marcos-loyalist call to change NAIA back to MIA, with “M” up for grabs, dahil di naman daw bayani si Ninoy samantalang you-know-who is now buried in LNMB.

My next thoughts were: whose idea was it kaya to remove images of our heroes. Bangko Sentral’s?  PBBM’s?  Maybe the prez wanted sana to put OG Ferdinand Marcos on the 500-peso bill to replace Ninoy & Cory but didn’t dare, so tinanggal na lang lahat ng heroes and other historical figures from all the bills?

A little history. Back in 1985 the then Central Bank’s New Design Series 1985-2019  featured Marcos on the 500-peso bill.  But it was an iffy time for the dictatorship — the Sandiganbayan mock trial was in the process of acquitting Fabian Ver and 25 others in the military conspiracy to assassinate Ninoy, there were calls for his resignation in the parliament of the streets, and Reagan was urging him to hold elections and prove that he still had the people’s mandate. I imagine that Marcos decided not to release the bill until after the snap election of 1986, which he expected to win, but he was ousted instead some two weeks after.  In 1987 the Central Bank issued instead a 500-peso bill with Ninoy Aquino’s image; this was replaced in 2010 with Ninoy & Cory.

Bangko Sentral officials are quick to assure the public that the old bills with our heroes and other historical figures will continue to circulate but, I imagine, not for much longer, unless the prez comes to his senses and the next polymers bring them back.  Calling attention to our rare and precious flora and fauna is good, but it’s not as if government itself really cares about them, di ba, considering the continuing denudation of what forests we have left to make way for mining and quarrying and solar farms and windmills and malls and golf courses?

In this fractured nation of ours, where we don’t even speak the same language, the one thing we share is the peso as currency and our heroes as exemplars of the best in the Filipino.

Never mind the presidents, really, because none of them truly measure up (hindi nag-iisa si Makoy) but bring back Jose Rizal, Andres Bonifacio, Apolinario Mabini, Jose Abad Santos, Vicente Lim, Josefa Llanes Escoda, Ninoy & Cory, on our peso bills, and let them be joined by Rajah Buayan Silongan, Gabriela Silang, Macli-ing Dulag, Eman Lacaba, Ed Jopson, and many more heroic Filipinos who deserve to be immortalized.

*

UP Department of History statement on the Php1,000 Bill Controversy https://kssp.upd.edu.ph/

Museum for Moro heroes https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/

ATOM laments BSP replacing heroes with wildlife on PH bills https://www.gmanetwork.com/news/

Trump’s tariff threats

Donald Trump seems set on shaking up the global economic order (such as it is) with boundary-pushing trade policies, as in, the dreaded increase in import duties for certain countries. How might it affect us in the Philippines? Here’s a look-ahead post on what it means in the short and the long run, by econ professor Orlando Roncesvalles (@dumaletter.bsky.social) of Siliman U.

Letter from Dumaguete
December 19, 2024

TARIFFS GALORE
What happens next?

Tariffs and international trade are again in the news. 2025 will begin with a new administration in the United States that has promised its constituents a significant increase in import duties or tariffs. The proposed new tariffs are aimed at Canada, Mexico, and China. Tariff increases are also proposed for other countries that have declared a desire to undermine the role of the US dollar in the world economy.

The impact of tariffs

What do these tariff proposals mean in the short and long run? The long run is a helpful reference point, even if it takes too long. I say this despite a famous admonition by a very important economist (Keynes) that the long run won’t matter because we would be dead by then. It still pays to imagine that there is rhyme and reason, even in economics, when everything we might worry about will have done their ‘entropy’ thing and settled into a steady-state or stable equilibrium.

Let us imagine then the long-run effects of a large country such as the US enacting a substantial hike in import tariffs on its significant trading partners. Canada and Mexico have prospered after entering into free trade agreements with the US in 1974. Many observers view China’s phenomenal economic growth as partly due to its rapid exports since at least the 1990s and more so after China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001. The trade relationships of these three countries with the US give evidence of the benefits of international trade, even if governments attempt to ‘bend’ the rules to their advantage. Such rules cover trade tariffs.

A tariff is a tax. It is levied when goods cross national borders. Since 1945, the international community has negotiated tariff reductions or set up ‘free trade’ zero-tariff areas. This historical move toward liberalization is generally regarded as a good thing because we know that the historical alternative — trade restrictions and trade wars (when countries imposed tariffs and trade embargoes on each other during the interwar period of the 1920s to the 1940s) — was a nightmare. Noteworthy is an observation made in 1933 by an American historian (W. Y. Elliott) who saw in the emergent trade blocs and embargoes “the worst dose of economic nationalism that [the world] has ever seen. Worst because it will be deliberate; because the tools are at hand to make it more absolute than ever before; and because the conditions are present that will probably make the resulting dislocation of existing national economics more painful than ever before.” Sober minds already sensed the deep divisions between countries that resulted in World War II.

A tariff drives a ‘wedge’ between the world market price and the corresponding domestic price. For example, the US presently imposes an import duty of 25 percent on trucks imported from Japan. That means that the $20,000 price of a Japanese-made truck can rise to $25,000 in the US domestic market. The tariff ‘protects’ the American manufacturer from Japanese competition. Of course, such protection can go only so far. The demand for Japanese trucks in the US market also reflects their higher quality. Still, the tariff serves to shift demand toward US-made products.

But is a tariff inherently wrong? Ever since the time of David Ricardo, economists have recognized the desirability of free trade. Tariffs distort the natural incentives for countries to specialize in producing goods in which they have a comparative advantage. The accepted exception to this general rule is when tariffs promote overriding considerations such as national security, the promotion of ‘infant’ industries, or the mitigation of domestic ‘market failures.’ An example of a market failure is when there are large pockets of unemployment that result from free trade.

An interesting aspect of the theory on tariffs is that the size of the tariff-imposing country matters. If large, such a US TARIFFS 3 country can reduce world market prices when its increased domestic production of importables adds to global supply.

It follows from the discussion above that a large country can ‘force’ a fall in the world market price of a good. While this seems to be an argument for imposing tariffs, it carries the risk that similarly large countries would be tempted to impose retaliatory tariffs. The possibility of a resulting downward spiral of world market prices would, however, deter large countries from engaging in such a trade war.

A not-so-funny thing is that tariffs imposed by large countries may benefit small countries that would benefit from a lower price for imported goods. This ‘third-country’ effect may or may not be significant. It depends on how large the tariff increase is and whether the small country benefits from a free global market.

Other economists have come to similar conclusions. For example, a multi-country model employed at the Peterson Institute for International Economics (PIIE) suggests that Asian countries, including the Philippines, will likely benefit from new US tariffs.

The short-run scenarios

The short-run effects of significant tariff increases are difficult to divine.

Initially, US consumers will see price increases for imported goods, representing a one-time blip in inflation in 2025. But, unless tariffs continue to rise in later years, the effect on inflation should be transitory. (And yet, inflation can have a mind of its own. Central banks regard this in part as an insoluble problem of expectations. Inflation persists because the public expects it.)

There will be winners and losers from a new tariff. Domestic producers of goods that compete with imports will gain. Consumers of imported goods will suffer. In an ideal world, society could mitigate these gains and losses. A reduction in their income taxes would compensate the consumers of imported goods. The government could tax the profits of domestic producers.

In my view, such ‘rebalancing’ mechanisms are not likely to work smoothly. Consumers’ confidence will likely be shaken even if their income tax burden is reduced. Because consumption is a large part of aggregate demand, there would be a palpable risk of stagnation or recession following an initial period of stagflation. Indeed, the multi-country model used by the PIIE predicts declines in the trading volumes and national incomes of two countries that impose tariffs on each other.

The effect on the Philippine economy 

As noted earlier, Asian countries such as the Philippines stand to gain if they are exempted from the increased US tariffs. This could lead to a surge in demand for goods manufactured in the Philippines, potentially boosting the local economy.

Will the overseas Filipino workers also benefit? Their families in the Philippines can benefit from lower world market prices for Chinese goods.

Summing up and conclusions

The inflationary effects of new tariffs are negligible, especially in the long run, and the size of the US economy suggests that there would be a one-time fall in world trade prices.

A tariff is a tax, a part of ‘fiscal policy.’ What governments take, they can give back. The gains made by domestic producers can be transferred back to consumers through cuts in income taxes. Absent such redistribution mechanisms, a tariff amounts to a tightening of fiscal policy.

There can be severe consequences for the overall economy. A tariff increase can induce stagflation in the short run, depending on how central banks behave and how the public forms its price expectations.

We will likely get trade wars, which, as in the 1930s, will reduce the volume of international trade and usher in a global recession or even depression. A ‘silver lining’ to this grim scenario is that the bubbles in the stock markets and cryptocurrencies are more likely to burst amidst global deflation, which would be the more likely outcome after 2025.

One can almost wonder if tariffs are a modern example of a Faustian bargain. Or perhaps the policy issue can be seen in the saying, “Be careful what you ask for; you just might get it. In spades.”

Impeachment & budget blues, pre-2025

First they agitate us into thinking on and going along with moves to impeach the VP but now that complaints have been filed they are refusing to sign on — instead they’re continuing daw with the QuadComm hearings on January 25, which makes me think that the point pala (tilà) is not really to impeach (not too quickly anyway?) but to critique and weaken the Duterte brand in the run-up to May 2025 elections, maybe in aid of booting out some of Digong’s posse from the Senate?

Sino kaya ang timon? Is this inordinate delay part of a battle plan, or are they all playing it by ear, improvising as they go along, basta never losing sight of the goal, that is, to prevent a Duterte comeback one way or another in 2028. If the latter, that they’re improvising, then I imagine that more than one head is calling the shots, and  there’s a lot of secret convos consults going on behind closed doors, deals being wheeled for sure, and it takes a while for One to decide on anything, too many other heavyweights to consider, which would explain why it feels like we’re all hanging in the air about matters to do with government and governance in this Marcos restoration.

It would also explain why Congress’s 2025 budget is a mess (to put it kindly) with public monies being diverted to campaign ayudas for winning elections, instead of being spent in aid of supporting a development strategy that addresses urgent needs in health, education, and livelihood, in ways more kind and sustainable than dole-outs and ENDOs and other capitalist trickle-down tricks-n-treats.  Which would in turn explain the justifiable outrage and outcry over the unconstitutionality and immorality of it all.

Surely it hasn’t escaped the notice of palace peeps that the PhilHealthDepEd-Budget issue has inflamed both sides of the Marcos-Duterte divide as well as the pinks and the yellows and the reds — at least that’s the sense I’m getting from mainstream and social media. Is this part of the plan, too, or was this unforeseen? If unforeseen, then nakakataranta siguro, ikot-puwet moments, for the powers-that-be. If foreseen but shrugged off because, maybe, matatabunan ng impeachment bigla, or something huge like that, e di wow.

Today’s good news is, PBBM isn’t signing the Budget on December 20 as scheduled. The prez needs “more time review the national budget amid criticisms over some items.”

Salamat naman. When the DDS are talking “people power” to oust him à la the matandang Marcos, it’s a mistake to dismiss it all as just “a lot of noise” which only reminds of PNoy who shrugged off critics as a “noisy minority” and we saw how his annointed lost the election in 2016.