Category: cory

Alexei & Ninoy, Yulia & Cory

It’s fascinating how Alexei’s story is so very much like Ninoy’s. Pareho silang nakulong (on trumped-up charges) for standing up to a tyrant, parehong nag-hunger strike sa kulungan, parehong nakalipad na sa ibang bansa — Navalny to a hospital in Germany to recover from poisoning by Russian security, Ninoy to Texas for heart bypass after suffering 7 years 7 months in jail — pero bumalik pa rin sa lupang tinubuan, lupa na ipinaglaban nilang mapalaya, bahala na kung makulong muli o mapatay. At napatay nga: si Ninoy binaril noong umuwi from exile in 1983, si Alexei tila linason uli kailan lang, habang nakakulong.

Even more fascinating is the unfolding story of the widow Yulia Navalnaya. She has promised to carry on Alexei’s fight to free Russia from Putin’s one-man rule, much like Ninoy’s widow Cory Aquino took on Marcos and led the fight to free the nation from martial law. But Yulia’s circumstances are different. She has been threatened with arrest if she returns to Russia.

Cory left Boston Tuesday and was back in Manila by Wednesday, just three days after Ninoy’s murder at the airport. There was no attempt to stop her, I guess because Marcos and Ver were prepared to deny culpability, complete with a silenced scapegoat. Pumayag pa nga na imbestigahan ng Agrava Board ang patayan, at nang idiin nito in November 1984 na the killings were a military conspiracy that went all the way up to Ver (his loyal Armed Forces Chief of Staff), Marcos got the Sandiganbayan to acquit them all anyway in December 1985, which led Cory to run for President in snap elections, at which Marcos cheated, so Cory called for civil disobedience, which culminated in EDSA and the dictator’s escape from Malacañang.

Yes, the Marcoses are back anyway, but that’s another story, and uniquely Filipino I daresay. Altho I imagine that the grief is the same, maybe even worse, with Russian authorities insisting that Navalny died from “natural causes” and refusing to release the body unless his mother agrees to a secret burial. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2024/02/22/navalny-body-secret-burial-yulia/

WHY Cory stopped U.S. from taking Marcos to Ilocos

While it is true that Cory’s final order to the Americans was to take Marcos away from the Philippines ASAP, it was NOT her first reaction when she was informed early Tuesday evening (Feb 25) that the Marcoses were preparing to leave the Palace.

CORY: Early in the evening, I was back in Wack Wack, talking with opposition leaders, when Ambassador Bosworth called me up to say that the Marcoses had finally been persuaded to leave. Their sons-in-law had been able to convince them that it would be the best thing to do.
http://edsarevolution.com/chronology/day4.php

Close to 9 p.m., Cory received another phone call from Bosworth telling her that Marcos was ready to leave the Palace but was asking to stay for at least two days in Paoay, his home in the north.

Her first reaction was, “Poor man, let us give him two days.” This, according to former Supreme Court Justice, then MP, Cecilia Muñoz Palma, one of her close advisers who overheard, and disagreed. Like  other advisers who were with Cory then, she believed that given the chance, Marcos might regroup his forces or extend his stay indefinitely.

True enough. It is said that when the Marcos party got to Clark Air Base, Marcos got on the phone to his ministers and supporters, allegedly with plans of organizing an “Ilocano army” to fight its way to Metro Manila and “recover” the capital. http://edsarevolution.com/chronology/theflight.php  Some of these supporters reported his calls to Enrile and Ramos who began asking Cory and Bosworth what Marcos was up to.

According to Time correspondent Sandra Burton, Cory had wanted to be “magnanimous in victory,” remembering how Marcos and Imelda had released Ninoy from jail and allowed him to fly to the U.S. for heart surgery in 1980. But her advisers warned her of likely consequences, and once Bosworth assured her that Marcos was not dying, just very tired, she decided that Marcos simply had to go after a night in Clark.

SANDRA BURTON: Although General Ramos denied having been consulted on the matter, sources close to the negotiations claimed not only that he was consulted, but that he was particularly strong in urging that Marcos be given no more leash. … He explained that loyalist generals still controlled much of the north. Once Marcos returned to his province, he would be protected, and he was likely to become a magnet for hundreds of thousand of discontented supporters. “Get him out of there” is the way one of the parties to the negotiation described Ramos’s advice to Aquino. [Impossible Dream | The Marcoses, The Aquinos, and The Unfinished Revolution (1989) page 412]

FIDEL RAMOS: Both Minister Enrile and I wanted whatever was for the greater good of the greater number of Filipinos, which was to have the thing settled as fast as possible and in a bloodless, peaceful way. There are still many emotional Ilocanos who think I should have stepped in and provided Mr. Marcos the chance to go to Ilocos Norte at least to say goodbye. But at the time any deviation from the plan would have given the remaining loyalist forces the opportunity to create a rallying point, mobilize military units, and come storming back to Manila. We couldn’t let that happen while the Aquino government was still consolidating its forces. http://edsarevolution.com/chronology/day4.php  

PAMPANGA PEOPLE POWER

Clark Air Base, 9:45 P.M. — Marcos was met by US Ambassador Stephen Bosworth. He also got a “welcome” from hundreds who massed at the main gate of the base to chant “Co-ree!” while a convoy of some fifty vehicles held a noise barrage for twenty minutes along the base’s perimeter fence. http://edsarevolution.com/chronology/day4.php

JUSMAG Commander, Brigadier General Teddy Allen, who had promised to take Marcos anywhere he wished just to get him out of the Palace was in a bind.

— Deputy base commander Colonel Romeo David had already pledged his loyalty to General Ramos. “I told the head of U.S. intelligence inside Clark that I could not guarantee the safety of Marcos. If our people saw the president, they might shoot him.”

Just as threatening, said Allen, “Word went out in the province to mobilize People Power around the base, and I had visions of one million people converging on the gate by morning.”

Newly aware of the political pressures to get the ex-president out of the country soon, and worried about Marcos’s security inside the base, which was in rebel hands, General Allen sought permission from Washington to leave for Guam as soon as possible.

— At 2:30 A.M. Allen contacted Tommy Manotoc and Bong Bong Marcos and informed them of the necessity of leaving before daybreak for Guam, where he could guarantee the family’s safety until it could decide upon a final destination. 

— There was a bitter exchange between Ferdinand and American officials. He demanded to be flown to his home in the Ilocos. They had orders from President Reagan and the Joint Chiefs of Staff to fly him to America. At 4:00 A.M, Ferdinand stopped arguing.  [EDSA UNO (2013) page 318]

WHAT IF
What if the Marcoses had not so distrusted the pilots of the presidential helicopters who were prepared, since Monday morning, to fly them anywhere in the islands; or what if Marcos had motored to Paoay in an equipped ambulance. Then, again, perhaps Marcos was just too sick for a long road trip, which would render impressive the fact that he was able to walk out of the palace on his own two feet.

Still and all, if they had snubbed the American offer, if they had left under their own steam, chances are they would have made it to Paoay, and People Power would have had to regroup.

So do we owe the Americans a debt of gratitude for taking him away into exile? I have always thought the better ending would have been if the Marcoses had taken the presidential choppers, and the pilots turned out to be reformists and took the First Couple to Crame instead. With Enrile in charge, no harm would have come to them, but they would have had to face the judgement of the people in a revolutionary court, and maybe, just maybe, People Power would have levelled up to the challenge of standing strong for the greater good vs. elite and crony interests represented by Cory and Enrile.

That would have brought closure, and ushered in a new order. [EDSA UNO (2013)]

Imelda (after) Marcos #Halalan2022

It is said that Ferdinand, and nation, paid very dearly for his love affair with Hollywood starlet Dovie Beams because he could not but humor Imelda at every turn of extravagance and political ambition ever after.

But was it just the Dovie scandal that turned Imelda into the power-tripping steel butterfly who fancied herself a highborn queen with crowns and tiaras and a palace to match?

Scholar Caroline S. Hau reminds that there was, too, the fact of martial law and, corollary to that, the all-important question of who would succeed the dictator Ferdinand.

HAU. The turning point for Imelda’s “rise” to power is arguably not the Dovie Beams scandal, but the declaration of martial law and the dictatorship that Marcos established in the Philippines. It is one thing to be the wife of an elected president, living in a country whose politicians are corrupt and enrich themselves at public expense, but with a free press that can criticize the president’s (and his wife’s) policies and actions and a body of elected officials to vet or else block the president’s decisions. It is another thing to be the wife of a dictator unconstrained by any institutional checks and balances, capable of putting rivals and enemies behind bars and stripping them of their assets, commanding an army to arrest anybody given the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, and helping himself to the nation’s funds and taking over various industries and turning them into personal expense accounts for himself, his wife and relatives, and his cronies and political allies.

Any number of explanations can be offered to account for Imelda’s growing clout in the martial law government, but the most important is regime maintenance, the desire of Marcos to keep himself, his closest kin, and his most trusted people in power for as long as he could. Ferdinand’s deteriorating health, the knowledge that his children were neither old nor experienced enough to “inherit” his position, the suspicion shared by all dictators that their lieutenants–especially those with strong connections to the military such as Executive Secretary Alejandro Melchor Jr. and Minister of Defense Enrile–were conspiring to build thier own power bases and ultimately dislodge the dictator in a coup d’etat: all of these would have had salience in determining (as well as upsetting) the “balance of favor” through which Marcos managed his dictatorship.

Imelda metamorphosed into the “Steel Butterfly” because she could do so and did so from 1972 onwards: there would be no institutional mechanism to hold her decisions and actions to public accountability, and there would be no one, not even an increasingly debilitated Ferdinand, to stop her from doing what she wanted. [Dovie Beams and Philippine Politics: A President’s Scandalous Affair and First Lady Power on the Eve of Martial Law. Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints, September-December 2019. pp. 595-634. Ateneo de Manila University. p623]

I believe Ferdinand was already grooming Imelda to succeed him when he appointed her Governor of the newly-created Metro Manila Commission in 1975, and then Minister of Human Settlements in 1976, and Ambassador Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary in 1978.

He did not have much of a choice. Who else but Imelda could he trust with the children’s future. Who else but Imelda shared his dream of a Marcos dynasty “reigning for ever and ever” as in Handel’s “Hallelujah Chorus”.

This is why Ninoy Aquino, the only one who posed a serious challenge to the Marcos dynasty dream, had to go. ‘Yun nga lang, sumabit sa execution at sa post-production. Hindi bumenta sa audience ang storya nina Marcos at Ver na si Galman ang pumatay kay Ninoy sa tarmac.

The evidence of a military conspiracy was clear: a soldier shot Ninoy from behind, midway down the service stairs. The airport security had been so tight, Galman could only have been part of the military conspiracy to kill Ninoy and blame it on the communists.

Because the people saw through all the lies, na-EDSA ang mga Marcos. Poetic justice.

EXILE

The ouster in 1986 was totally unexpected, and unacceptable, to the disgraced tandem and their kids who had expected to live happily forever and ever in the Palace by the Pasig. To the (his) very end in September 1989, Ferdinand schemed and maneuvered for a quick forceful comeback, the surest way to bring back the good old days of impunity ASAP. But the coup attempts kept failing and he died just two months before the last, the biggest, the bloodiest, attempt which failed anyway because America played knight in shining armor to Cory’s damsel in distress.

I imagine that in the ailing Ferdinand’s lucid moments over those three years and a half when they were in Hawaii, and he was in and out of hospital, aching to go home, na paulit-ulit nilang napag-usapan ni Imelda, at napag-isipan nang malalim, exactly HOW to get the family back to the Pinoy future, with the patriarch’s luster restored.

No doubt Ferdinand continued to mentor | lecture Imelda on the ways of the law, and of politics, and of propaganda. Surely that famous line “Perception is real, truth is not” is a Marcos legacy, his very own political mantra passed on to Imelda and now the kids. It explains all the lying, all the denials, all the twisted stories, repeated endlessly over a decade on all media, so that people have started believing the bogus Marcos version of martial law and EDSA history.

BACK TO THE FUTURE

Looking back now on Imelda’s trajectory upon her return from exile, it is clear that she came home in November 1991 not just to face and plead innocent to ill-gotten wealth court cases and the like, but to work on denying and disputing all accusations of wrongdoing by her husband and herself, including the Ninoy assassination, if not in judicial courts then before the bar of public opinion.

And, let’s give it to her, the Marcos widow has done exactly that in the last 30 years, to the point that many decry the alleged persecution of the Marcoses and believe they deserve a second gig in the Palace.

BACK IN BUSINESS 1992-2016

She lost in the ’92 presidential elections but Bongbong won a seat in Congress as Ilocos Norte rep.  In ’93 she was convicted for graft but the case was on appeal so she was out on bail, praise the law, I mean, the lord.  Also in ’93 she lost the bid to bury Marcos in Libingan ng mga Bayani but at least she got him back home in Ilocos to display in a museum while awaiting more opportune times.  In ’95 Bongbong lost his first run for the senate but Imelda won the seat he vacated in Congress as Ilocos rep.  In ’98 she again ran for president but withdrew a few weeks before E-day and threw her support behind landslider Erap who ordered Marcos’s burial in Libingan ng mga Bayani (LNMB) even before he had taken his oath, but the outrage was so huge, the new prez backed off.  Consuelo de bobo: Imee ran for Ilocos rep and won the first of three consecutive terms.

By 2000 the campaign to free the convicted killers in the Aquino assassination, in jail then for some 14 years (counting from ’86), was in full swing, fueled by one of the convicts, Sgt. Pablo Martinez—one of 16 lowly-ranked officers serving double life sentences for Ninoy’s and Galman’s killings—who confessed in ’94 that he had been Galman’s handler, claimed he saw Galman shoot Ninoy on the tarmac, and named a general and a businessman identified with Danding Cojuangco who allegedly gave him and Galman their orders on the morning of the 21st of August 1983.

The story didn’t gain traction because Martinez was lying–Galman did not shoot Ninoy–but over the years, everytime August rolled around, media would keep repeating and speculating on the story, eventually succeeding in sowing doubt about Marcos and Ver as co-conspirators and throwing shade on Danding Cojuangco instead as the mastermind.  By the 20th anniversary of the assassination, the big lies had taken hold.

In 2005 Imelda Marcos threw her support behind Gloria Arroyo when the prez needed it most, after the Hello-Garci scandal, which must have counted a lot because in November 2007 Arroyo started releasing the killers of Ninoy and Galman after serving only one of two life sentences.  By March 2009 they all walked free, they had suffered enough, it was said; they might even be innocent like Marcos, it was also said.  In 2016 Bongbong ran for VP and almost won.  Imelda won anyway: Marcos got his hero’s burial in November, though behind closed gates.  In 2019 Imee won a seat in the senate.  And now Bongbong’s running for prez.

NEXT STOP, THE PALACE?

Imelda’s incredibly close to fulfilling the Marcos dream.  Can we still stop her | them at this point?

Our only fighting chance is to prevail upon Isko, Ping, and Manny to withdraw from the race for love of country—make the battle one-on-one as in the time of Cory.  With all of the opposition ganging up on Marcos-Duterte may panalo tiyak si Robredo.  Sa VP race, may the best man win—sana may bulagaan!

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Read Randy David’s “If Marcos Jr. becomes president” https://opinion.inquirer.net/151481/if-marcos-jr-becomes-president

 

EDSA ’86 — Aquino vs. Marcos lang daw ?!?

SABI-SABI NG MGA MARCOS #1

Ang EDSA daw ay hindi pag-aalsa laban kay Marcos nung 1986.  Ang EDSA daw ay laban lang ng dalawang political families: Aquino vs Marcos.

HINDI TOTOO.

Ang EDSA ay pag-aalsa ng taongbayan kontra-Marcos nang dinaya ni Marcos ang snap election.

Dati nang gawi ni Marcos ang pandaraya sa  mga referendum at eleksyon in the 14 years of Martial Law – lutong Makoy, ika nga.

Yung 1986 snap election ang naging last straw.  Agad kasing napatunayan ng taongbayan na may nagaganap na dayaan nung mag-walk-out ang computer technicians ng COMELEC — iba daw ang vote-count nila sa vote-count na ibinibigay sa mga media na hawak ni Marcos.

Balita pa ng NAMFREL, sa mga balwarte ng Oposisyon may tatlong milyong rehistradong botante ang hindi nakaboto – nag-disappear na lang ang names nila sa voters’ lists.  Icing on the cake na lang ang confession ni Enrile nung Feb 22 na dinaya nila si Cory sa Cagayan.

Taongbayan na dinaya ang kalaban ni Marcos noong EDSA.

Taongbayan na sawang-sawa na sa panunupil at korapsyon ang nanindigan laban kay Marcos noong EDSA.

KUNG AWAY-PAMILYA LANG ang kina Marcos at Ninoy … gusto lang ni Marcos na mapatahimik si Ninoy … bakit buong bansa ang isinailalim sa Martial Law?

Kung si Ninoy lang ang problema, bakit umabot si Marcos sa Proclamation 1081 at Batas Militar?

ANG TOTOO:  Ang goal talaga ni Marcos ay mamuno sa Pilipinas habangbuhay.  Bagong Lipunan = Marcos Dynasty.  Marcos Forever.  Pagkatapos niya, si Imelda.  At pag-ready na, si Imee.  Na puwede lang mangyari kung walang Ninoy at kung tuloy-tuloy ang Batas Militar.

Pero dahil may isang astig na Ninoy Aquino na nanindigan laban sa diktador, na siya niyang ikinamatay, lalong namulat ang taongbayan sa tapang at kabayanihan ni Ninoy at sa kalupitan, panunupil, at panlilinlang ng rehimeng Marcos.

ANG TAONGBAYAN AT SI CORY

Taongbayan na mulat sa demokrasya at kalayaan ang nag-udyok kay Cory na tumakbong pangulo noong 1986.

At nang dayain ni Marcos ang snap election, taongbayan ang nagbigay-buhay sa crony boycott ni Cory.  Ika-pitong araw na ng boykot nang mag-defect sina Enrile at Ramos.  [Humahabol much?]

Sa kainitang iyon ng boykot, parang hulog ng langit ang datíng ng military defection.  Wow.  May armed forces na si Cory?!?  Agad sumaklolo sa EDSA ang taongbayan.

Ayun pala, hindi type ni Cory ang dalawang bandido, and vice versa,

Si Ramos ang nagpa-aresto kay Ninoy close to midnight of September 22 1972. Si Enrile ang “jailer” ni Ninoy 1972-1980.

Kung si Cory ang nasunod noong nag-defect sina Enrile, sa Luneta niya yinaya ang supporters niya, hindi sa EDSA.  Mas gusto niya sanang manood lang from the sidelines habang nagbabanatan at nagpapatayan ang puwersang repormista at puwersang loyalista. [Imagine. What if.]

Pero napangunahan ng taongbayan si Cory.  Sumusugod na sila sa EDSA nang nabalitaan ni Cory ang defection.  Humaharang na sila sa tangke nang bumalik si Cory from Cebu.

PEOPLE POWER

Sa huli, nang kumaripas ng takbo ang mga Marcos, hindi ito dala ng takot sa lumalakas na armadong puwersa ng kaaway – nagmamadali silang umexit dala ng matinding takot sa (unarmed) People Power na nagbabadya sa gates ng Malacañang.

People Power din, na nagbabadya sa gates ng Clark Air Base, ang ikinatakot ni Gen. Teddy Allen kaya siya humingi ng permiso sa Washington DC na ilipad paalis ng Pinas, sa lalong madaling panahon, ang  barkadang Marcos-Danding-Ver.

Ibang klase ang powers ng taongbayan kapag mulat, maraming marami, at nagkakaisa.  Walang armas, pero matapang at umaasinta.  Who knows what People Power can do?  Or make happen?

Iyan ang fear ni Marcos nung Pebrero 25 1986.  Hindi na siya in-control.  Mabigat  ang kalaban.  Anything could happen.  Kaya sila tumakbo.

BLACK PROP

Siyempre baliktad ang version of the story ng Marcos heirs.  Wala-lang daw ang EDSA, pulitika lang, away ng dalawang pamilya, kinidnap nga sila, kawawa naman sila.

Ang kakapal.

Ang kampanya ni Marcos Jr. is built on huge lies that paint the Marcoses all good and the Aquinos and EDSA all evil. 

Anything to justify a return to the Palace. 

Grabe ang riches at stake, ill-gotten and all. 

Worth na worth lying for, in the Marcos playbook.

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read the marcos curse https://stuartsantiago.com/the-marcos-curse-