Recklessly noynoying a fatally strong peso

By Dean de la Paz

Citing 2013 as the Year of the Eagle and ejaculating as if the stars, the Zodiac and the Chinese calendar had really anything to do with economic governance, some stockbrokers, with their head in the sand, will probably deny a currency crisis exists, celebrating as they do the crossing of the six thousandth mark in the stock exchange index and cheering the economy on as if the capital markets was its best indicator.

Stock market analysts, and below this breed, the stock broker, are among the most mystical, dubious at times and ambiguous at most, and that is understandable as they are hardly predictive and more responsive, finding causes and rationale after the fact if only to justify the market’s movements.

The stock market is indeed an indicator but for the serious investor, it is probably the least indicative of economic governance or investment climate. For one, the index fails to capture the cost of doing business. It does not account for infrastructure development, the level of wages, or the cost of utilities on a sustained basis.

It also does not reflect the quality of economic governance, again on a sustained basis. Industry and agriculture may be experiencing slumps but the index will fail to reflect those on a long term basis. If at all, the spikes in the index will attract margin traders and margin players and thus bloat the index monetarily, but that will hardly be indicative as traders in the exchanges will make money either way the economy develops, or does not develop.

It is in the nature of the market and the concept of investment for those who play it. There is a reason that the so-called investments are labeled “Hot Money”. On a sustained basis, nothing can be more volatile and colloquially “iffy” and uncertain. Likewise, those who advise investing through such cannot be far behind both “iffy” and uncertain.

The real investors, as opposed to margin traders, who are earnestly looking at their long term options and willing to gamble not simply portfolio investments but real capital to build factories and long term businesses are seriously worried. These are not those who gamble. These are also not those who will, in one minute, purchase stock from the exchanges, and in the next minute, divest. These are not the financial browsers and investment tourists. More important, these are not those who give any sort of credence to a stockbroker’s sound bite advice, knowing full well that a broker earns his commission from both a purchase and a divestment, thus covering both eventualities and is characteristically risk free.

The dearth of serious foreign takers of the government’s Public Private Partnership (PPP) program is an eloquent example. Never mind the declarations of interest. Those might be plentiful but when compared to actualities and those who have seriously invested foreign capital, the number is embarrassingly low in contrast to the hype and hullaballoo. Three years into Benigno Aquino III’s incumbency, and the PPP, the original brainchild of former vice presidential candidate Manuel A. Roxas, remains as much a failure as was his unfortunate bid for the two highest elective and executive positions in government.

Failure spawns failure and two-time losers do not necessarily create winners. The arithmetic is as simple as that.

Let us however dig deeper. What is keeping foreign capital from seriously coming in and taking up residency as foreign direct investments (FDI) in the Philippines despite the declarations of a resplendent economy and the hyperbole of stock market brokers?

Let us examine one apparent hurdle.

In the recent weeks prior to the end of 2012, the monetary authorities were seriously intervening in the currency markets through what is called “open Market operations” or the buying and selling of currency to control the value of the peso as against another currency. In the case of the intervention towards the end of 2012, the peso arrayed against the dollar was a matter of serious concern, and in some instances, panic.

Threatening to impose some form of capital controls, either on the inflow of dollars, or the exit of the same, the monetary authorities constantly warned against an undesirable speculation on the peso. The imposition of capital controls, first through threats and then trough the imposition of trading limits of derivative instruments that reflect the peso’s long-term exchange volatility indicate speculators may already be attacking an overvalued peso.

Ironically, the peso is vulnerable to speculative attacks, as luck would have it, because of its apparent strength and the little that government is doing to return it to its rationale levels. Early-warning bellwether indicators have not only been ignored, but by their continued prevalence, a currency crisis might well impact on the profitability of gross domestic productivity (GDP) drivers such as the business process outsourcing sector and the one-off value of overseas Filipino worker’s (OFW) remittances.

Drowned out by the pom-pom cheerleading and girly chorusing of stock brokers who’ve broken out the bubbly over the recent rise in the stock exchange index, few are listening but officials representing the business outsourcing sectors are now complaining of our growing uncompetitiveness.

BPO revenues are not only slowing down but are thinning out as margins are depleted by the detrimental rise in the peso’s values. Note that a recent analyst from one of our creditor banks had forecasted an even stronger peso breaching all time parameters and heading straight into the uncompetitive Php 30’s levels.

When compared to other economies that offer the same BPO service and have in fact better telecommunications infrastructures, more reliable power platforms and a better-educated constituency that might service the technical BPO market, cracks in the local BPO sector are starting to form. While admittedly, we will remain a key player in the global market, our preeminent position is not only threatened but it may not remain for long should the noynoying continue. To validate such concerns, the local associations representing the BPO sector are gradually increasing their criticism of the monetary policies being pursued where the peso is kept inordinately strong.

Echoing those concerns are the associations that represent OFWs, relevant and critical especially in this period when OFW remittances flow into the economy in substantial volumes as compared to any other time of the year.

A major OFW group has begged the government to act aggressively and pro-actively to maintain the value of remittances. One way they suggest is to suspend the 0.05% documentary stamp tax slapped on every US$ 200 worth of remittances. The Aquino government simply replied with its classic callousness and has turned a deaf ear. Its highest official has instead chosen to noynoy and ride a pony while taking the holidays off. Either through a serious lack of discernment and economic comprehension it appears he has not understood the impact of their plight, or he doesn’t care. Heaven forbid that it is both.

The criticality cannot be ignored however, now or in earlier periods. The strong peso has diminished the value of the remittances and when domestic families convert the remittances the actual peso amounts are far lower than expectations.

In the last year the peso versus the dollar exchange discrepancy had slashed the remittance values by as much as 10% thus reducing consumer purchasing power from this one vital source of cash flows for a public whose earning capacities in the local currency is severely limited and worsening under a dispensation unperturbed by worsening unemployment. Add the devaluation of 10% to a historic 30% in the previous years to 2012 and the situation shows why, despite anachronistic partying by stock market brokers and Aquino’s sycophants over GDP growth, OFW families seriously worry.

This is unfortunate on several counts. The remittances are the basis for increased consumer spending which is typically a vital economic driver that feeds into GDP growth. When the effects of the remittances are depleted, then so follow consumer spending and its impact of real GDP. This belies the veracity of Aquino’s 7.0% year-over-year GDP growth statistics. If indeed the economy grew then that statistic does not reflect the realities felt by the OFW families much less by those unemployed and continue to be unemployed.

If Aquino’s continued noynoying and his economic policies are wreaking havoc on the unemployed and the OFW families, then perhaps these are benefiting those with work in the dollar-earning exporting. Look again. Unfortunately, only the suck-ups are toasting and sipping champagne. Let’s look at the realities instead of listening to self-promoting stock market analysts who know little of the sector other than its short-term impact on the capital markets. Let us listen to the actual echoes from the export industry itself.

The Philippine Exporters Confederation is pleading for the Aquino government to stabilize the exchange rate at Php 42.50 to the dollar, determining that level to be the viability threshold to save the export sector. Too late. The prognosis on the exchange rate is far below Php 42.50 for 2013. So much for the Year of the Eagle. The better analogy is a cooked goose.

Against all these, an uneducated media, a number of paid columnists and the army of suck-ups continue to hark on the peso as the region’s best currency performer against the dollar. They should have OFW families. Or they should be a worker in the export sector, be one of the jobless, be a BPO operator or simply be Filipino. Then they would realize how empty and irrelevant such boasts of currency can be.

Let us analyze the heresy behind the hype. Government’s press releases proudly claim the peso as the region’s best performer against a weak dollar by comparing our peso’s upticks to those of the New Zealand dollar, the Turkish Lira, the Taiwanese Dollar and the Singaporean Dollar.

As if these were the economies we competed against. Taiwan perhaps, but as for the rest? It’s a question of coconuts and oranges.

They also cite the strategic devaluation of the Indonesian Rupiah, the Japanese Yen and the Indian Rupee. They seem to have forgotten their macroeconomics or perhaps they never learned it. A devalued Rupiah steals away FDI from the Philippines, a weakened Yen slows down Japanese investments into our economy and a devalued Rupee makes our BPO sector uncompetitive against India’s thus making that economy more viable.

For those sycophants who’ve made it a practice to cheer on the type of governance that has ignored these realities, we suggest they soon finish the bottle of champagne they’ve broken out to celebrate an index that can just as easily fizz out comprised as it is by bubbles and little else. Worse, bubbly like that can quickly turn to vinegar.

Dean dela Paz is an investment banker. He is a consultant in the fields of finance and banking and has packaged some of the most prolific public offerings in the Exchanges. He is a member of the Executive Committee and sits in the Board of one of the oldest financial institutions in the country. He is likewise an energy consultant having served on the Boards of several foreign-owned independent power producers and as CEO of a local energy provider.

He is currently the Program Director for Finance in a UK-based educational institution where he also teaches Finance, Business Policy and Strategic Management. A business columnist for the last fifteen years, he first wrote for BusinessWorld under the late-Raul Locsin and then as a regular columnist for the Business Mirror and GMANews TV. He also co-authored a book and policy paper on energy toolkits for a Washington- based non-government organization. He likewise co-authored and edited a book on management.

 

it’s more fun in the senate

we’ve always suspected naman that senators, just like the prez and the veep, the reps and govs and mayors, are traditionally willing to spend tons of money and energy to get elected because it’s an investment that pays back, pays off, big big big time, one way or another.

but what we’ve never heard before — go go go miriam! — is a senator confirming our suspicions, at least about the senate.  the verrrry generous christmas gifts-not-bribes of php 2.46 million each in “additional maintenance and other operating expenses” for 18 senators who happen, or maybe jockeyed, to be in the good books of the all-powerful senate president is, of course, just the tip of the iceberg.  sabi nga ni senator miriam,

Imagine a yearly pork barrel of P200 million, P2.2 million monthly for staff salaries and office expenses, a P500,000 annual travel allowance and an honorarium that ranges between P30,000 to P60,000 a month as chair of a Senate committee.

And don’t forget the regular monthly salary of P75,000.

An unscrupulous senator can simply make it appear that he or she is using all these perks legitimately and then pocket these. 

over a six -year term, even a three-year term, bawing bawi na, tubong lugaw pa.  the most scandalizing thing is, it’s all perfectly legit.  worse, most senators seem to feel entitled, think there’s nothing wrong with such practices in a country mired in poverty, after all, ang daming gastos, ang daming humihingi ng tulong, ang daming relief ops na kailangang suportahan, not to mention their sosyal lifestyles na kailangang i-maintain.  worst, it’s like a reward system, and the pro-status-quo majority are the biggest winners.  no wonder nothing ever changes.

The feast of the Nazarene

In May 31, 1606, the Black Nazarene, a life-size wooden sculpture, was brought by galleon from Mexico by the first group of Augustinian Recollect friars. Enroute, as folk tradition relates, the statue was damaged in a ship fire, and it original white complexion was burned into a charred discoloration, henceforth, earning the name “Black Nazarene.”

Read on 

read, too, The feast of the Nazarene, January 2012 

DepEd endorses El Presidente :(

The Emilio Aguinaldo biopic of the country’s first president, and one that revisits the first Philippine Republic, is clearly of quality. In fact it has been graded ‘A’ by the Cinema Evaluation Board (CEB) and is endorsed by Department of Education (DepEd), the Commission on Higher Education (Ched), and the Film Development Council of the Philippines (FDCP).

endorsed by DepEd and CHED?  ano ba yan!  DepEd and CHEd should be the last to endorse hagiographic material such as this that exalts emilio aguinaldo at the expense of andres bonifacio and others like antonio luna.  this is blatant historical revisionism, mostly based, not surprisingly, on aguinaldo’s memoirs — and we know how self-serving memoirs can be.

if anything, DepEd and CHED should be warning the public that there is much much more to the 1898 revolution than the depicted cinematic heroics of aguinaldo.

jessica zafra is right, Bonifacio was NOT a traitor!

Salbahe pala si Andres Bonifacio.

Mark Meily’s film El Presidente would have viewers believe that Andres Bonifacio, Supremo of the Katipunan, was a traitor who was plotting against the revolutionary government. Naturally the film would take Aguinaldo’s side, being a biopic whose primary source, cited in the credits, is Aguinaldo’s memoirs. Writer-director Meily’s avowed intention is to clear up the misconceptions surrounding this controversial figure. I do not doubt Meily’s sincerity, but I have a problem with his history.

Like our grade school textbooks, El Presidente oversimplifies the facts. It is correct in its general outlines: elections were held in Tejeros, presided over by the visiting Supremo (Cesar Montano, who now has the distinction of having played Rizal and Bonifacio). Aguinaldo was voted in as president in absentia; Bonifacio got the consuelo de bobo post of Director of the Interior. Then Daniel Tirona rose to question Bonifacio’s credentials in a most insulting manner, saying that the position required a lawyer and not a mere laborer from Tondo. Bonifacio lost his temper, drew his gun on Tirona, declared the elections null and void, and stormed out of the room.

Historians have long noted Bonifacio’s foul temper and his unwise decision to encroach on Aguinaldo’s territory. (I am citing Bones of Contention: The Bonifacio Lectures by Ambeth R. Ocampo, who cites Apolinario Mabini’s La Revolucion Filipina and other sources.) The movie goes further, painting Bonifacio as a man who would betray the Revolution he started. In one scene Aguinaldo himself overhears Bonifacio and his supporters planning to spread false news of his arrest. In another, Artemio Ricarte (Ian de Leon) on Bonifacio’s orders sends reinforcements away so that Aguinaldo’s men are defeated by the Spanish.

The movie tells us that when Aguinaldo’s men arrested Bonifacio, he resisted, fought back action movie-style, and wounded some men before he was brought down. But the record of Bonifacio’s military trial tells a different story. Aguinaldo’s officers, led by Colonel Agapito Bonzon a.k.a. Col. Yntong, had been received by Bonifacio as friends. They were offered breakfast and cigarettes before they left. The following day Col. Yntong and his men returned, firing their weapons and accusing Bonifacio of planning to take off with the revolution’s money. The slander seemed calculated to set off Bonifacio’s temper. When it didn’t work, Bonifacio was shot in the shoulder. As he fell, someone stabbed him in the throat.

This does not seem to be the act of someone obeying orders to take the Supremo alive. The arresting officers claimed that the Bonifacio brothers had shot first, but when Bonifacio’s revolver was examined, all the bullets were intact.

It gets uglier. After Bonifacio’s arrest, Col. Yntong and his men captured Mrs. Bonifacio, Gregoria de Jesus. Col. Yntong ordered her beaten until she revealed the whereabouts of the money she’d allegedly hidden. The soldiers refused to obey, whereupon Col. Yntong forced her into an empty house with the intention of raping her to further humiliate the wounded Supremo.

Yes, this is the Bonifacios’ testimony, but as Teodoro Agoncillo said, Why did Aguinaldo never order an investigation into the charges against Col. Yntong?

The attempted rape is not mentioned in the movie. However, in the epilogue, we are told that during the election in Tejeros, Aguinaldo’s supporters were away fighting so most of the people present were Bonifacio’s men. (Historical accounts say otherwise.) It’s not enough that he lost the election; his own supporters rejected him. Nothing is said in Bonifacio’s defense, but the movie feels compelled to keep defending Aguinaldo long after he has won. He repeatedly declares that he had “no choice” but to act as he did. El Presidente does Emilio Aguinaldo a disservice by portraying him as a victim of circumstance.

Even if this movie is from Aguinaldo’s point of view, the goal should be the truth. We are talking about Bonifacio, the hero who started the Revolution. If you must unmask him as a traitor, you had better have irrefutable proof other than some shifty looks from Cesar Montano.

At times the history is merely sloppy – Jose Rizal’s imprisonment at Fort Santiago is mentioned casually, but his execution is ignored altogether. The long sequence of events from the Pact of Biak-na-Bato to the Philippine-American War is rushed through, presented in a series of meetings where we hear the contents of various documents. The Declaration of the Republic of the Philippines on June 12, 1898, surely the apex of President Aguinaldo’s career, is treated in a perfunctory manner.

Though it is heartening to see history as a subject for popular culture, El Presidente exemplifies what ails our nation. We have amnesia. We choose to forget the inconvenient past in the name of “moving on”. We edit history for general patronage. We reduce history to names and dates – as Ocampo points out, we enjoy the non-working holiday on Bonifacio’s birthday, but we never come to terms with his role in Philippine history. The disturbing reality is that the man who started the revolution against Spain was killed by his own countrymen. El Presidente sanitizes history some more by saying that on some level, he deserved it.

i would like to think that the descendants of aguinaldo, one of them a member of the cabinet, another a popular showbiz figure, are not entirely happy with this biopic.  i hope they realize that this movie is a disservice to nation because it is more of the old propaganda than it is a credible fleshing out of history.  it is all about painting aguinaldo as hero and everyone else as villain.  it is about refusing to take any kind of responsibility for bonifacio’s execution.  it is about refusing to dwell on the compromises he made with the spaniards that led to the pact of biak-na-bato and exile.  it is about glossing over his secret talks with, and faith in, the americans that led to his return, and eventually to the fil-am war.  aguinaldo had a lot of explaining to do, but he wouldn’t, until the very end, and you have to wonder why.

read teodoro m. locsin’s Interview with the General, June 11, 1949 .  asked about bonifacio’s death and mabini’s fall, aguinaldo said, “It was all politics, of course, and I wish you would not ask me more about it.”

yes, the devil is in the politics, and continues to reign supreme.

the aguinaldo family would serve the nation best by commissioning a fair and honest retelling of  their patriarch’s story, warts and all.