Edsa ’98: The Dating Game

Inquirer 3 Mar 1998

At least the level of discourse on the Edsa Revolution has progressed from simple stuff answerable by yes or no – was Cory in Edsa or not? did Ramos hesitate to join Enrile or not? did Marcos order the soldiers to shoot or not? were the Marcoses kidnapped or not? – to a real question: When should the nation celebrate Edsa?

As an astrologer with a fetish for correct birth times, I would say it depends on what we want to celebrate.

If we want to celebrate the defection of the military reformists which led to the display of People Power, then the 22nd it is. What time? Juan Ponce Enrile says 3 p.m., when (according to my chronology) he rejected Gregorio Honasan’s and Eduardo Kapunan’s suggestion that he escape to Cagayan and decided instead to make a last stand in Camp Aguinaldo. Fidel Ramos, however, might prefer a 6:45 birth time, when together he and Enrile faced the press and announced their rebellion. And then, again, if we’re going to be true to story of Edsa, which is all about People Power, I would push for a 9 to 10 o’clock birth time, when the people first got into the picture through Butz Aquino and Manila Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin.

But if what we want to celebrate is the inauguration of the new democracy ushered in by Corazon C. Aquino, then the 25th it is. What hour of the day? Corystas would say 10:46 a.m., when she was sworn in as President. Except that at the time, Marcos was still in Malacañang Palace and still held legitimate power. He did not leave the Palace until 9:10 p.m. and he didn’t leave Clark Air Base in Pampanga until 5 a.m. the next morning. Until either time, the old government was arguably still in place. Only when Marcos was really gone did the new democracy begin.

Actually we should be celebrating Edsa neither on the 22nd nor on the 25th but on the 23rd of February, when unarmed throngs stopped the tanks (the first of such encounters) at the EDSA-Ortigas intersection. That display of People Power, captured on satellite TV for all the world to see, not only rendered the tyrant and his army powerless, it also forced the reconciliation, for the sake of peace, of the two anti-Marcos camps (Cory’s end Enrile’s) that were poised to grab power. That mind-boggling manifestation of People Power between 2:30 and 4:30 in the afternoon of the 23rd – and none other – was the high point of Edsa.

So why haven’t we been celebrating that? Basically, because it’s taken this long for our political leaders to acknowledge that Edsa wasn’t just one big blur of miraculous events but a definite series of explainable events with a beginning, a middle, and an ed. There was no miracle in Edsa – no sick were healed, no water turned into wine, the sun didn’t dance, and the Marian apparition is all in the cardinal’s mind. Edsa was about ordinary people in great numbers who dared to confront, unarmed, the military might of the dictator and discovered in the process their extraordinary powers when united by a common intent. Walang himala! As it turned out, the formidable task of removing a dictator was well within a people’s power, and the Filipino people proved it in Edsa.

Everything that happened during those four days, from the Enrile-Ramos defection to the stunning debut of People Power to the Marcos-Ver escape can be explained. None of it happened by miracle. Enrile and Ramos, for instance, didn’t wake up on the 22nd to the voice of God telling them to drop Marcos and join Cory. They defected so that Enrile could challenge Cory for the presidency. Unfortunately for Enrile, the people wanted no other than Cory, and the rest is verifiable history, except that the defectors have yet to straighten out their twisted accounts, allowing instead the Church’s miracle myth to prosper.

The effect has been not only to diminish the people’s part in the Edsa uprising but also to place it beyond the reach of human comprehension and recreation. Unlike other peak human experiences, Edsa is one that we are not being encouraged to recreate in our minds and analyze and learn from. I suspect it’s a conspiracy (shades of Hillary’s right wing), deliberate or not, to suppress what may be perceived as subversive material.

But truth has a way of coming out. And hope springs eternal. At least now (even if it has taken 12 years) we are clear about a beginning, a middle, and an ending. Same time next year, we might even be celebrating People Power. For a change.

People Power Knocked Them Out

Inquirer 5 March 1997

Contrary to military lore, it was the people—not Fidel Ramos, not Juan Ponce Enrile, not Gregorio Honasan—who were the true heroes of Edsa.

The military defection was only a catalyst for the display of People Power. Remove the defectors, and some other catalyst would have come along eventually—perhaps a dramatic climax to Cory’s boycott campaign that was preempted by Edsa, maybe a coup d’etat of sorts in the business community (with the military reformists falling in)—and it would have worked just as stunningly.

But remove the people, and the defectors would have been wiped out. Remove the people, and there would have been no reconciliation between Cory and the reformist military. In essence, Edsa was a political exercise in conflict resolution brokered by the people.

The crucial conflict was, not between Cory and Marcos or between Ramos/Enrile/ RAM and Marcos, but between Cory and Ramos/Enrile/RAM. The two camps had a common objective, to oust Marcos and take over, but no attempts were made by either camp to join forces with the other.

With the people squarely behind her, Cory was supremely confident that she didn’t need RAM. She was convinced that on her own, through nonviolent destabilizing tactics, she could pressure Marcos to step down.

On the other hand, with Enrile’s and Ramos’s backing, RAM was supremely confident that it could remove Marcos by force and replace him with a military junta headed by Enrile. RAM was certain that the military establishment would fall in line and, eventually, the people.

That fateful Edsa weekend derailed both Cory and Ramos/Enrile/RAM, giving the people the break they needed to resolve matters once and for all. In Edsa, the people gave them no choice but to reconcile their differences and submit to the people’s will.

Cory had no choice but to reconcile with the same military that had caused her and Ninoy so much pain and suffering. Ramos/Enrile/RAM had no choice but to submit to Cory, a civilian housewife without experience in state and military affairs.

Edsa was too dramatic and decisive to ignore. Cory and Ramos/Enrile/RAM could not but bow to the people’s will, which demanded that they rise above their differences and begin anew, begin as friends.

It is said that the 50,000 to 100,000 people who left their homes and marched to Edsa that Saturday evening did so because of Jaime Cardinal Sin’s appeal over Radio Veritas that the people bring food and support to the rebels.

In fact, the cardinal had to be coaxed into calling Veritas and going on the air that first night. And it was only on his secondcall, and only on the insistence of Corystas, that the cardinal gathered the nerve to tell the people that it was all right to go to Edsa.

The cardinal’s sanction was important, but there were others—in particular, June Keithley, Cecilia Muñoz Palma, and Butz Aquino—whose endorsements were just as crucial.

An unabashed Corysta and popular TV host, Keithley gave the greatest performance of her life as the sosyal broadcaster turned rebel. Fiercely enamored of the reformists, Keithley had listeners hanging on to her every word and was the rebel military’s all-important link to the people.

Member of Parliament Cecilia Muñoz-Palma, a respected jurist and Cory supporter, was the first government official to call Radio Veritas and express support for the rebels. Her endorsement carried a lot of weight.

Ninoy’s kid brother Butz, the original street parliamentarian, was in top form. Defying his group’s decision to await orders from Cory, Butz went ahead to Camp Aguinaldo to offer his support to the rebels. It was Butz, calling direct from Camp Aguinaldo at 10:20 p.m., who first assured the people that the rebel military was prepared to follow the people’s will. It was he who first suggested a course consistent with Cory’s non-violent strategy.

Synchronous events: the people stopping tanks and Enrile crossing Edsa to join Ramos. The coincidence of the people’s peak experience with Enrile’s move indicates that there was more to the crossing than a simple consolidation of forces. Ramos had had earlier urged them to move but Enrile and RAM were reluctant to give up Aguinaldo and, perhaps more so, to give in to Ramos, who was by then perceived to be for Cory.

In a sense the dramatic crossing signified Enrile’s surrender to forces other than RAM, and it was as critical and momentous as the people’s encounter with tanks.

Just when things were looking good for the people, and just when Keithley was peaking, her stock rising with every scoop, she announced, mistakenly, that the Marcoses had left Malacañang. Unwittingly, Keithley played into what may have been a plot to discredit her and confuse the people. Though she rallied somewhat with the liberation of Channel 4, she never recovered the strength of her words.

Entertainers were quick to recover their show biz senses. Everyone wanted to do a June Keithley (in her happier credible moments). Once Channel 4 was liberated, self-serving ones took to the spotlight and hogged it.

It’s not clear who was in command, only that a group of entertainers, mostly TV stars and recording artists, was allowed to dominate the broadcast and wax euphoric hour after hour, which was terribly boring, and disappointing. But there was a warning up against leftists. And so political scientists, sociologists, historians, activists, academe, everyone intelligent, was suspect, except for the show biz clowns.

There were leftists in Edsa but they did not come as communist party members with an official agenda. They came as ordinary people and helped in the best way they knew how—improvising and manning barricades—giving nonviolence and peace a chance, and linking arms, even, with capitalists.

It is said that Edsa was not a completely Filipino revolution since the US played a major part in the abduction and exile of the Marcoses. They may as well cite, too, the help that the reformist forces received from the CIA in terms of information on Marcos’s and Ver’s moves and a direct line to the US ambassador.

Just the same, the Americans were only on the sidelines, as stunned as everyone else (Marcos and Ver, Enrile and Ramos, included) at every unexpected turn of events. The Enrile-Ramos defection caught the Americans napping. People Power knocked them out.

Just like with Enrile and Ramos, Edsa gave the anti-Cory Americans no choice but to heed the people’s will and clear the way for Cory.

Marcopper and media

Isyu 18 April 96

I’ve been monitoring the news on the Marcopper disaster (not accident) that killed two rivers and millions of marine life and which threatens the health and livelihood of the people of Marinduque for the next who-knows-how-many decades, and I’m afraid it’s hard to be optimistic for our environment and our poor, not to speak of future generations.

Take this. The waste spill started on March 23 – Marcopper stopped operations a day or two (reports don’t agree) later – yet newspaper headlines didn’t register the event until after five days, on March 28.

Why not? Is the information network so faulty, hindi agad nakarating ang balita sa Maynila? Or was the news deliberately suppressed by who-knows-whom to give the DENR time to consult Malacañang and/or Marcopper to consult Placer-Dome in Vancouver?

Then, again, maaaring nakarating agad ang balita sa Maynila ngunit inisnab muna ito ng media, mas sensational kasi ang burnt bodies kaysa dead rivers, or maybe they can’t handle more than one disaster at a time?

Kung sa Amerika nangyari ito, media would have screamed out the news immediately (hand in hand with more sensational news, if any) while government would have flown in the state’s best engineers to help dam the flow as soon as humanly possible, and both media and government would have been breathing down Marcopper’s neck to hurry, hurry, hurry. When you’re dealing with the environment, every second counts, every dump truck less of silt counts.

Think of it. That was 10 to 15 cubic meters (roughly three dump trucks) of mine waste pollutants roaring out of that damned tunnel every single second, unabated, for more than five days. At 85,400 seconds per day, that would have been more than a million cubic meters or close to 250,000 dump trucks of mine tailings emptying into those rivers every single day, from Saturday afternoon when the spill was reported to have started, to Friday at 10:00 a.m. when it was reported to have been stopped.

The bad news is, it wasn’t completely stopped pala, only considerably slowed down. Ayon sa mga taga-Marinduque, may seepage pa rin. (Probably 0.62 cubic meter per second, the lowest rate of spillage cited.)

It was another 12 days (April 10) before a Marcopper official went on TV with the good news – two days na lang daw, titigil na ang tulo ng mining tails in Makulapnit. I checked out the news two days later (and since), and nada, nothing, zero. Nary a peep from media on whether Marcopper had made good on its word or not.

Apparently, print and broadcast media perfer to watch investigations – like the DENR’s, the DOJ’s, the Senate’s and the Ombudsman’s – than to watch, and watch out for, the environment.

Sustainable development, please!

It’s a sad time for the environmental movement. After more than two decades of advocacy and struggle, tryingto raise public consciousness, trying toget us concerned about how our nation’s natural wealth is being extracted, exploited, made capital of, by private groups for private gain while 70 percent of our people remain poor, tila walang effect pa rin.

When it comes to environmental issues and disasters, we can’t quite summon up a real sense of urgency. Either we’re not very bright or we’re not very caring, or both.

A more intelligent people led by a more intelligent media would be demanding by now, after the Marcopper disaster, the repeal of the Mining Act of 1995 and the rejection of 67 new mining applications that, if approved, would take over at least 22 percent of our total land area, or 35 percent of our upland ecosystems. The DENR already has its hands full monitoring 16 large-scale mining operations plus some 300 small-scale ones currently in place all over the country.

A more intelligent and caring people and media would demand that President Ramos de-liberalize the mining industry and stop offering our patrimony for foreign investors to cash in on. There’s nothing wrong with saving some of our natural wealth to pass on untouched to future generations.

Meanwhile, there are other less destructive, more creative and sustainable ways for a cash-strapped government to raise money. Eco-tourism is obviously one of them. Environment-friendly and community-oriented na, sustainable dollar-earner pa. Too bad FVR’s Philippines 2000 isn’t New Age.

Marcopper’s misfortune

Finally, a few words on Marcopper’s line that the mine waste spill was an “accident” and, therefore, criminal charges are not “appropriate.”

An accident, according to my dictionary, is an event without apparent cause; it is unexpected and usually happens by chance.

The Marcopper waste spill was no accident. Marcopper’s waste spilled, not without cause, but apparently because Macopper’s waste-storage system was neither as five-star nor as fail-safe as it should have been. Tapian Pit, after all, was not made to hold or impound mine waste. It was originally a mining site; the tunnel was for draining water (from mountain pockets hit by miners) into the Makulapnit River.

When the ore reserves of the Tapian Pit were exhausted in 1991, Marcopper turned it into an impounding pit to hold mine wastes from the San Antonio Pit, the new mining site. Dito nag-umpisa ang problema ng Marcopper.

The drainage tunnel obviously had to be sealed solidly enough to withstand the pressure of millions of tons of mine waste bearing down. Ang nangyari, tinipid ng Marcopper ang semento at trabaho; tila yung mga dulo lang ang ni-reinforce. Natural, di nagtagal ang mga ito at unti-unting bumigay sa bigat ng mine tailings. Seepage in August ’95. Flash flood in March ’96.

Apparently it was in the process of an engineering intervention when Marcopper’s so-called accident occurred. They had bored a hole into the hollow part of the tunnel and were filling it up with more cement when the tailings came thundering down. Either they had waited too long before intervening or it was the wrong intervention.

Government engineers says it was the wrong one and the outcome was predictable. Naturally (not accidentally), the hole released captive air from the hollow tunnel, creating a vacuum that sucked in the stored wastes from above, and spilling the silt down into the rivers by the dump truck.

Marcopper may be right about one thing though – that the DENR knew about the tunnel. If not, how could DENR officials have known that nothing but water used to drain out of it?

Ozone fire – In the end, we all pay

Isyu 27 Mar 96

I have seen many kinds of grief. The worst is a parent’s grief for a dead child. Children are supposed to survive and bury their parents, not the other way around. And when the death of the child is by fire, as in the Ozone disaster, the grief is even more devastating. Wala nang sasakit pa. Patay na nga ang anak mo, ni hindi mo mahanap. Mahanap mo man, ni hindi mo mayakap, ni hindi mo matingnan; hanggang litrato ka na lang o mahihibang ka sa galit at hingapis.

Sino ang dapat magbayad? Legally and morally, the parents of every victim, both the dead and those fighting for their lives, deserve substantial compensation. Hindi lang yung ibinibigay na P15,000 ng Quezon City Hall, at yung iminumungkahi ng isang senador na P50,000 from the national government, at yung sinasabi ng Ozone management na itutulong nila sa “expenses” ng mga  biktima – kundi mahigit pa.

Remember when Judge Harriet Demetriou ruled on the Eileen Sarmenta-Alan Gomez rape-slaying? Besides going to jail, Antonio Sanchez et al. had to pay both families moral, emotional and future damages, which added up to a few millions each. Parents of Ozone victims deserve as much, if not more, dahil mas matindi ang damages na dulot ng pagkakasunog ng mga bata at ng pahirapang paghahanap nila at pagkilala sa mga ito.

Government could have made it easier on the victims’ parents but they didn’t. While it made sense to allow different funeral homes to haul off their share of dead bodies, government should have stayed on top of things and looked out for the interests of the victims and their families. Specifically, government should have taken on all hospital and / or funeral expenses of victims; and early on, steps should have been taken to stay the decay of bodies waiting to be identified.

Samantala, habang hindi pa malinaw kung magkano talaga ang liabilities ng mga magbabayad, some government agency (the Bangko Sentral?) should already be advancing a basic amount of, say, P50,000 to P100,000 to each victim’s family. It would ease all financial stress brought on by the unexpected death/s and buy the poor parents the time and the space they need to mourn in peace and come to terms with their loss.

Sino-sino ang magbabayad?

Tatlong grupo sila. The owners of Ozone, the city government, and the national government.

There’s no question in my mind, the capitalists of Ozone Disco, all five of them who profited from its operations, must pay. Hermilo Ocampo, who speaks in their behalf, wants us to believe that the fire was an act of God, that the sparks were sparks out of the blue and had nothing to do with electrical cables and octopus connections. Well, this is the same man who’s asking us to see a fire exit where there’s none, except on paper and in his imagination.

In fact, Ocampo is known in the night-spot business as a light-and-sound systems contractor. In fact, ozone was his showcase of the latest in disco lights and sounds It was doing so well, it could afford to offer 50 percent discounts on drinks every Monday. He must have known what he was doing – I’m sure he’s not dumb, he went to Ateneo – he must have known what might happen if he didn’t avoid octopus and haphazard connections, and if he didn’t conduct regular inspections of that flammable ceiling of high-tech light contraptions to make sure it was rat-free and the wires well-insulated. He must have known.

I guess he didn’t care. Maybe he got greedy, wouldn’t spare the money dahil makakabawas sa kita nilang magpapa-partner? Maybe they just kept putting it off? O baka naman dahil naglalagay sila sa sons of City Hall, akala nila they were protected as well from electrical overloads and combustible customers as from government inspectors. Whatever it was, it was the height of stupidity and irresponsibility. Ocampo, well-educated son of a former Nueva Ecija congressman, and his capitalist cohorts should have known better.

All businessmen who are under the thumb of protection syndicates should know better. Kung naglalagay kayo sa City Hall dahil takot kayong pumalag o mag-ingay, problema niyo na yan. Wag niyong bawiin ang gastos by scrimping on safety maintenance costs and endangering lives. You have to deserve your customers.

Taxpayers’ blues

The city government, obviously, must also pay because it allowed Ozone to operate even if the disco violated building and fire codes. Balita ng Evening Paper, “. . . concerned operatives of the Central Police District blamed (the Ozone fire on) two sons of a ranking Quezon City official who they claimed were intimately involved in the well-entrenched protection business victimizing fun houses and disco pubs in the city. The executive’s sons reportedly rake in an estimated P2 million a month from unscrupulous pub owners. (March 21, by Romeo Roy and Eunel Abasola)

The national government must also pay because the Quezon City scenario described above is true for many other places. Sabi nga ni Neal Cruz, “. . . it is well-known among builders and businessmen that almost any permit can be obtained from any city engineer’s office in Metro Manila even if legal requirements are not met, if the price is right.” (Inquirer March 22)

Clearly it’s a failure of law enforcement, which is a failure of the Executive Department, from the Office of the Mayor up to the Office of the President. The buck goes all the way up.

In the final analysis, we all pay. Saan ba kasi manggagaling ang ipambabayad ng city and national government sa Ozone victims, e di from taxpayers’ money. As usual, it’s the citizens, the electorate, who end up paying.

This is democracy? This is democracy. We pay for the mistake of electing the wrong people to public office. We pay for trusting the wrong people with our lives.

Next time, in 1998, let’s choose well. Let’s look for brave men and women who would dare dismantle protection syndicates, among other immoral arrangements, and usher in a new moral order in Filipino society. Then maybe those poor children did not die, do no suffer, in vain.