Category: duterte’s drug war

Kulto ni Cayetano

Does Alan Peter Cayetano realize that if he had not allowed Bato to escape, if he had let the NBI arrest him once the Senate was not in session, we actually could be forgiving him for the coup and giving him a chance to finally win our trust? Ah, but obviously it’s not our trust Cayetano wants to win but our minds that he wants to change re EJKs and Rodrigo Duterte‘s crimes against humanity. Kesyo the drug war was justified because drugs kill. But so did Duterte and Bato and their cohorts, kill, and violently, without mercy. Earl Parreño calls it mythmaking, distorting facts to conceal the abuses of power. 

SP Cayetano’s dangerous mythmaking
Earl G. Parreno
May 25, 2026

Throughout our country’s history, as in many parts of the world, political leaders have relied not only on power, policies, or institutions, but also on myths. These myths are not always outright lies, although some clearly are. More often, they are carefully constructed stories designed to give politicians a sense of moral purpose, shared identity, and historical destiny. They simplify complex realities into narratives that ordinary people can emotionally understand and believe in.

But in political mythmaking, facts often become secondary. The conclusion is decided first; the arguments are constructed afterward. Events are interpreted not according to facts and truth, but according to the larger story leaders want people to accept. Political myths do not merely explain reality. More importantly, they shape how reality itself is perceived.

Alan Peter Cayetano is not the first Filipino politician to weave myths around himself, and he certainly will not be the last. The strongman Ferdinand Marcos Sr. mastered the same craft during his dictatorship. He carefully cultivated images of destiny, discipline, strength, and national rebirth. The Marcos regime subtly echoed the mythology of Malakas at Maganda and promoted the idea that Marcos was “iginuhit ng tadhana” — chosen by fate to lead the Filipino people together with Imelda Marcos. These narratives were potent political instruments designed to shape how people understood authority, legitimacy, and power itself. By wrapping political rule in the language of destiny and national salvation, criticism of the Marcos dictatorship was portrayed not merely as opposition to a political regime, but as an attack on the nation’s supposed historical mission.

Cayetano employs a similar form of mythmaking, although adapted to contemporary politics. When he declared that “Ang campaign against drugs is a human rights campaign, dahil pumapatay ang drugs,” he was doing far more than defending the policies of former president Rodrigo Duterte, in whose administration he played a central role. In the shadow of the ongoing proceedings before the International Criminal Court, Cayetano is attempting to reframe the moral meaning of the drug war itself. In his narrative, the campaign was no longer about extrajudicial killings, impunity, or abuses of state power. Instead, it was a noble mission to save families and communities from destruction. Violence was morally acceptable because the aim was to protect communities. The deaths of drug suspects were reframed as sacrifices made for the greater good of the many.

This rhetorical move is significant because it shifts attention away from the conduct of the state and redirects it toward the supposed danger posed by drugs and criminality. The focus is no longer on whether human rights were violated, but on whether society was being protected. The thousands of victims of tokhang disappear behind the larger myth of protecting citizens from criminality. Once this narrative is accepted, criticism of the drug war can easily be dismissed as indifference to crime, disorder, or the suffering of ordinary citizens affected by drugs.

But the myth that the drug war was a “human rights campaign” is only one part of Cayetano’s broader political mythmaking. Like many politicians, he surrounds himself with overlapping narratives of religiosity, “Christian life,” patriotism, family values, and concern for ordinary Filipinos. These carefully projected images aim to create moral credibility for him. They encourage his supporters to see him not simply as a politician seeking power, but as a public servant guided by higher principles and moral conviction. In this way, his personal branding evolves into political mythology.

Such narratives are powerful because they appeal not only to reason, but also to emotion, identity, and aspiration. His supporters are encouraged to believe that they are participating in something morally righteous and historically important. Political loyalty then becomes tied to personal values, religious beliefs, and even one’s sense of patriotism. Once this happens, political debate becomes more difficult because disagreement is no longer treated as a normal part of democracy. Instead, criticism is framed as hostility toward peace and order, toward the nation, or even toward the Christian faith itself.

The danger of political myths, therefore, is not only that they distort facts but that they also shield leaders from scrutiny. More significantly, it weaken the public’s capacity for critical judgment. Once leaders successfully portray themselves as defenders of morality and protectors of the people, accountability becomes harder to demand. Political narratives then stop helping people understand what is really happening and instead become tools for controlling how people see and interpret reality.

As Reza Aslan writes in God: A Human History of Religion:

“Myths are not ‘false,’ in the way we understand the word today. The significance of myths rests not in any truth claims it makes but in its ability to convey a particular perception of the world. The function of a myth is not to explain how things are but why things are the way they are.”

Every society needs shared stories to create unity and collective purpose. But democracy depends on citizens who can distinguish between narratives that illuminate truth and narratives designed to conceal abuses of power. Critical thinking begins when people ask not only what a political story says, but also what it leaves out, whose suffering it minimizes, and whose interests it ultimately protects.

And this is the danger of Cayetano’s mythmaking. It makes people believe that violence is necessary for peace and order and that killing can be morally acceptable. It makes him appear righteous while hiding behind religion and patriotism.

The public must therefore do more than reject the myth. It must unmask it. -30-

Duterte 2017

Biglang may nagbabasa ng 2017 post na ito. While the ICC confirmation of charges hearings reminded painfully of Duterte’s horrible drug war, this piece zeroes in on a specific point in time, soon after the killing of Kian, when it was all just too heartbreaking, infuriating, and scary, and all we could do was despair for nation. Good to be reminded. #BeforeCovid

Duterte’s drug war & the “hearsay” divide

August 20, 2017

Recently President Duterte admitted na nagkamali siya when he promised to rid the country of shabu in six months, imposible daw pala, even in the next five years, it just cannot be done, he says, by a single president over just one term.

I thought it might mean a CHANGE in strategy, from killing killing killing alleged addicts and pushers without due process to finally policing customs and coastlines and preventing the smuggling of shabu and it’s component chemicals into the country. But no.

He [said] having a long coastline to watch over and thousands of islands to guard make it difficult to prevent the entry of illegal drugs.

“We do not have the equipment, kulang man (It’s not enough). And you know the coastline,” he added.

He made us a new promise instead:

“I assure you, by the time I make my—kung buhay pa ako (if I am still alive)—five years from now, drugs will be at its lowest,” he said.

Too soon Bato’s police were back on the streets big time, in multiple synchronous operations across Bulacan, and later in Manila. Killing alleged addicts and dealers without due process, puro hearsay, mostly info solicited from barangay peeps and neighbors, atbp., as if we didn’t know how easy it is to point fingers, especially if under duress of authorities with quotas to meet. Hearsay, sabi-sabi, is good enough in this environment, and once you’re on that list, it is said, you’re on the list forever, never mind if you’ve been rehabbed or you were clean to begin with at napagdiskitahan lang, which may have been the case with Kian.

In an unusual move, allies of President Rodrigo Duterte in the Senate on Friday condemned the killing of a 17-year-old senior high school student in Caloocan City, with some pushing for a probe into the boy’s death and those of scores of suspects in the past bloody week described as the deadliest since the start of the government’s drug war in July last year.

This is one of the rare instances during which senators who belong to the majority caucus in the Senate have publicly spoken against the killings related to Duterte’s brutal and unrelenting war on drugs.

The policemen who shot to death Kian Loyd Delos Santos on Wednesday night were not only abusive but also “killers and criminals,” according to Sen. Francis Escudero.  “The CCTV footage and eyewitness account clearly show that the boy was killed.”

Five more years? We cannot have five more years of this. It is too painful for the body politic, Mr. President, sir. And it is dangerous: what monsters are we turning our police forces into?  And we the people, do we really want to become desensitized to inhumane treatment by government? Read Yen Makabenta’s It’s not fun waking up in a ‘narco-state.

When Duterte absolves the police of wrongdoing in the drug war, no matter what the abuses, I believe he is crossing a red line in constitutional government. It is dangerous to himself and to his presidency.

It is not explained away by protesting against due process of law and human rights.

The presidential rhetoric is both inflationary and demoralizing.

Believe it or not, the police profession is supposed to exercise intellectual leadership in the criminal justice system. The police must take the lead in the fight against crime and violence.

Not all shabu addicts are bad people who get violent and criminal under the influence and who deserve to be eliminated just like that. And even addicts who do get violent and criminal do not deserve to be killed without due process and rehab options. We are better than this.

But yeah, our world would be a better place without shabu, and it’s weird that the president isn’t trying harder to turn off the supply. The real job is to stop both the manufacture here and the smuggling-in of shabu and its components. The customs shabu fiasco was the perfect opportunity for the president to demonstrate that all his tough talk vs. drugs and corruption is not just talk and empty threats. Instead he chose to prop up and make excuses for Faeldon.

“But Faeldon, I will stand by him. He’s really honest. Kaya lang nalusutan siya because lahat diyan sa Customs, corrupt. My God,” Duterte said on Wednesday in his speech in Malacañang during the celebration of the 19th anniversary of the Volunteers Against Crime and Corruption.

“I hope I would not offend any particular person but almost all [are corrupt]. Sila ‘yong magagandang bahay…magaganda ang kotse [They are those who have beautiful houses and beautiful cars] ,” he added.

He hopes he would not offend anyone in particular? I am aghast. Seriously? Ayaw niyang maka-offend ng mga corrupt? Hindi siya nagagalit nang  bongga  sa mga corrupt na ito na tone-tonelada kung magpasok o magpapasok ng shabu?

It’s bad enough that hearsay is acceptable only in cases against the poor and powerless, not in cases against the rich and powerful. What Is worse, when they do have enough evidence and/or search warrants on the rich and powerful, the suspects end up dead. As in, silenced forever.

In the Bureau of Customs naman, a different kind of silencing is going on. In Have we truly become a full-blown narco state? Kit Tatad wonders what Faeldon knows.

…something DU30 may not blithely ignore. Analysts close to this issue, however, believe Faeldon may be in possession of certain sensitive information, which makes it hard for DU30 to get rid of him, unless he volunteers to step down. …Amid the apparent efforts of some quarters to link DU30’s son Paolo, the vice mayor of Davao City, to the dangerous drugs shipment from Xiamen, Faeldon has not said one word clearing him of any suspicion. If Faeldon knows Paolo is not at all involved in any monkey business at the pier, shouldn’t he have come to his defense after the customs broker Mark Taguba mentioned his name, quoting wild rumors, in a congressional hearing? He did not.

…The problem is, a photo has surfaced in the social media showing Paolo in a friendly pose with Kenneth Dong, the alleged middleman in the illegal P6.4 billion drug shipment. And some people are giving undue importance to it. No one is saying the young man has any fascination for any narco king—whether it be Burma’s late opium king Khun Sa, or Colombia’s Pablo Escobar, or Mexico’s Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman. But by linking him to Kenneth Dong and the rest of his narco chain, his enemies clearly want to show his guilt by association.

The president himself has minced no words about how much worse the corruption is than he thought, shabu-related corruption in particular.

He [said] that the war on drugs had exposed so many people involved in the business of illegal drugs, it was like pressing “worms out of a can.”

“I didn’t have an idea that there are hundreds of thousands of people already in the drug business. What makes it worse is they are cooperated now by people in government, especially those in elected positions. So, it will be government versus government,” he added.

There’s the rub. Government vs. Government. Big shots vs. big shots. Tila nga napakaraming very-important-people and their networks ang tatamaan. Napakaraming mawawalan ng trabaho (kawawa naman). At magkakaalaman, mabubuking (sa wakas), kung sinosino nga ba sa mga honourable na iyan ang sinasandalan at dinadatungan ng mga drug lord. Sinosino ba sa mga honourable na iyan na nagmamalinis ang mga kalaban pala, mga kaaway pala, ng taong-bayan. Clear lines would finally be drawn, and that would be oh so good for nation.

I’d have thought that a showdown was right up Digong’s alley. I thought he might be the anti-hero hero who would end narco rule and institute systemic changes, set things right, no matter what. Alas, our astig prez seems to be intimidated out of his wits. Too much baggage?

“I have to stop drugs, really stop. And it will stop,” he said in a speech during a tourism event in Davao City Friday night.  “I will kill you if you destroy my country and you start f****** with my children,” he added.

“My children”? Slip of the tongue? Or just another bad joke.

Garma “sings” — good for her, good of her

Read “Garma’s metanoia” by Philstar‘s Tony Lopez.

While mayor of Davao in 1998, Duterte had taken a liking on the beauteous young police officer, then Lieut. Garma, 23, a 1997 graduate of the Philippine National Police Academy, and who was a city police station commander. She would enjoy a rapid rise, from senior officer of the Davao Police, to regional police chief based in Cebu, Central Visayas, where she was accused of her own EJKs, then to a cushy job inside Malacañang’s Office of the President on police matters, and finally to a lucrative early retirement sinecure as general manager of the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office.

… Garma tried to escape the QuadComm dragnet on Aug. 28, 2024 but was stopped at the airport. (Her US visa was cancelled). Initially, she ignored House summons. During previous appearances (Sept. 12 and Sept. 27, 2024), she was a picture of monstrous defiance and contempt, forcing QuadComm to detain her indefinitely.

Suddenly, after “considerable reflection,” a tearful Garma on Friday decided to finally face the music, and tell the truth before the powerful House Quad Committee….

In her three-page 1,372-word affidavit, Garma claimed to have told “everything I personally know about the war on drugs during the former administration” … despite fears they could “significantly endanger my life, the safety of my family, and others close to me.”

Detained in Congress since September 12, having been cited in contempt for lying, Royina Garma decided to come clean a month later. The truth would set her free.

She implicated President Rodrigo “Roa” Duterte as the mastermind behind his horrific regime’s thousands of extrajudicial killings with huge cash rewards liberally doled out, for three purposes: one, for officers who executed the kills; two, to finance the operations, and three, refund operational expenses, while replicating nationwide, the so-called Davao model of EJKs, Death Squads that seemingly solved the southern city’s illegal drugs problem.

The weeks in detention must have had her flashing back, reflecting on her career in the PNP, what she went through to win respect and acceptance in the macho culture of law enforcement, and tracking when it was that things took a turn, and next thing she knew, she had become complicit in a deadly drug war, never mind due process. She may even have wanted to get out, give it all up, perils and perks and all, but really, how could one do that without incurring the ire of the powers-that-be and becoming a target herself.

Truth be told, there is no setting her free. She will continue to be detained and eventually charged for her part in the drug war. Also it looks like the QuadComm isn’t done  grilling her yet; they are convinced that she has yet to tell-all, since it would seem that she was part nga of Digong’s inner circle.

I was watching when she started weeping as she read that affidavit, and when I realized how explosive her revelations were, I was impressed.  I could understand why she broke down, reading that confession — a point of no return — realizing the consequences not just for herself but for everyone she was naming, colleagues and superiors alike. Nakakaiyak naman talaga iyon. 

“…  at least I will be able to contribute if we really want to make this country a better place to live…for our children,” Garma said in response to a query from Santa Rosa City Rep. Dan Fernandez.  “I think we have to do something para maibalik ‘yung trust sa PNP, magkaroon ng reform sa PNP,” she added.

Brave woman. Now let’s hear it from the men. 

Polvoron highs

If you’re paying attention to the DDS campaign to oust PBBM that’s happening on social media, you would be coming to the conclusion that the DDS camp is seriously thinking People Power: Kung nagawa natin sa ama noong 1986, kaya nating gawin sa anak ngayong 2024. And you just know that the DDS dream is for VP Sara to take over — she should never have slid down to veep, she could would have beaten BBM.

These days ang isyung nangingibabaw na naman vs BBM is that he was known to be a cocaine user — may bagong witness pa na taga-Davao na dating kerida ng isang kabarkada etc. etc. when BBM was in the Senate — and the DDS say that the people are asking for proof that he’s not using any longer, and that long-term use has not negatively affected his mental faculties and decision-making capacities so important in running the country, atbp.

The same sort of questions we asked of PRRD back in the days when he looked sick and stumbling or just plain slow and barely understandable, and he admitted to being on Fentanyl — a potent and highly addictive prescription drug — for severe pains. If memory serves, we also asked for an official medical report to assure us that  he was still up to the demands of running a government, and the Duterte admin completely ignored such questions.

Maybe the DDS peeps and vloggers have forgotten, or maybe they hope we’ve forgotten.

And what if, even if, a credible witness steps up with indubitable proof that the prez continues to use in private, would not the president enjoy immunity from suit?

ANTONIO T. CARPIO : Under Philippine law the President enjoys immunity from suit and cannot be investigated or prosecuted for any criminal offense while he remains in office. https://opinion.inquirer.net/137151/presidential-immunity-from-suit

I imagine that this would be when “People Power” could come in. The question is, would the DDS be able to rouse and mobilize a critical mass to oust the prez nonviolently as in EDSA?

Hard to tell, actually. Magugulat ako, either way.