‘CAN THE KILLERS OF TODAY BE THE LEADERS OF TOMORROW?

Introduction to oral statement of Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. before the Subcommittee of Asian and Pacific Affairs, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C., June 23, 1983. For full text of statement, see A Testimony by Ninoy, Human Society, No. 21.

Mr. Chairman, members of this august committee:

Please accept my profoundest gratitude for giving me this timely opportunity to testify before your committee on matters vital to the interests of our two countries on the eve of my return to the Philippines and to the prison cell that awaits me.

My family and I will forever cherish the hospitality of your government and your people that has made our exile not only bearable but an experience we shall long recall.

As you probably know, I was given a medical furlough on May 8, 1980 and was allowed to proceed to the United States for an emergency heart bypass operation by the Marcos regime while awaiting final action on the death sentence imposed upon me by a kangaroo court masquerading as a military tribunal.

Since my arrival in America, the Marcos regime has filed two more subversion charges against me, one in late 1980 and another in late 1982. The City Fiscal of Quezon City where the cases were filed announced last week-after the wire services carried the story that I have decided to return-that I would be served arrest warrants the moment I step on Philippine soil and that I would be immediately arrested.

I am returning to the Philippines because it has never been my intention to seek political asylum here … or elsewhere. When I left, I promised I shall return.

Luckily, I survived the heart bypass operation and I have regained the health I lost during seven years and seven months in solitary confinement. I have completed the research work I set out to do. I will never be as ready to return to the trenches.

The Filipino today is facing an ever deepening crisis. Never in history has he suffered from greater political and economic wants. It is time for every Filipino abroad who loves his country to return home, suffer with his people and help in the quest for that elusive national unity which is imperative for the nation’s survival.

During my stay in America, I was privileged to enjoy fellowships in two of the most prestigious academic institutions of this great Republic: Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology to search for answers to the many problems besetting the Philippines.

Shortly after I arrived in Boston in the fall of 1980, I was visited by some of my countrymen and asked to join the ranks of the freedom fighters who have chosen the path of revolution to liberate our people. I considered their appeal very seriously and I re-directed my academic research to a close scrutiny of the advantages and disadvantages of the use of force and violence to attain national liberation.

To gather empirical data and first hand information, I travelled to the Middle East, to Southeast Asia and to Central America. I interviewed the leaders of the most recent successful revolutions and talked to both the victors and the vanquished, the relatives of the victims and the survivors. I have concluded that revolution and violence exact the highest price in terms of human values and human lives in the struggle for freedom. In the end there are really no victors, only victims.

It is true, one can fight fire with fire, but the late Ramon Magsaysay, one of the most revered presidents of our country, proved that it is more effective to fight fire with water. Communism may be defeated not by adopting the brutal methods of the enemy and thereby lose your moral imperative, but by reinforcing human rights. One can fight hatred with a greater hatred, but Magsaysay proved that it is more effective to fight hatred with greater Christian love. “Those who have less in life should have more in law” was one of his battle-cries.

I have decided to pursue my freedom struggle through the path of non-violence, fully cognizant that this may be the longer and the more arduous road. If I have made the wrong decision, only I, and maybe, my family will suffer. Only I will suffer solitary confinement once again, and possibly death by firing squad.

But by taking the road of revolution, how many lives, other than mine, will have to be sacrificed? We are already the worst economic performer in Southeast Asia. Revolution would set us back thirty or even forty years and we may well end up the basket case in our region.

I have chosen to return to the silence of my solitary confinement and from there to work for a peaceful solution to our problems rather than come back triumphant to the blare of trumpets and cymbals seeking to drown the wailings and sad lamentations of mothers whose sons and daughters have been sacrificed to the gods of revolution. Can the killers of today be the leaders of tomorrow? Must we destroy in order to build? I refuse to believe that it is necessary for a nation to build its foundations on the bones of its young.

Last June 12, 1983, the leaders of the non-violent opposition met and signed in Manila a document entitled “A Formula for National Reconciliation.”

They appealed to the armed opposition in the hills “to give democratic processes a last chance by joining in the forthcoming elections and to demand that they be free, orderly and honest.”

To bring about peaceful reconciliation, the leaders urged Marcos to grant general amnesty to all political offenders; repeal the Anti-Subversion Law; abolish the infamous Presidential Commitment Order; and discontinue the practice of military interference in purely civilian affairs.

These same leaders warned that “armed conflict in our country is fast approaching the point of no return. Dissenters and dissidents, many of them reluctant rebels, are being driven farther and farther from the ways of peace and reconciliation.”

The formula for national reconciliation is their final effort to stave off what they perceive to be an imminent revolution.

Upon my return, I intend to join these leaders in their appeal and take up with them the program of action I drafted during my three years in exile.

Buffeted by natural and unnatural calamities. the Philippines has carded the worst economic performance among the five-nation ASEAN grouping last year. What is more tragic, in the midst of all these miseries, Filipinos are still killing each other in ever increasing numbers. This blood-letting must stop. This madness must cease.

I think it can be stopped if all Filipinos can get together as true brothers and sisters and search for a healing solution in a genuine spirit of give and take. We must transcend our petty selves, forget our hurts and bitterness, cast aside thoughts of revenge and let sanity, reason, and above all, love of country prevail during our gravest hour.

BENIGNO AQUINO, JR.

‘THE KEY IS SINCERITY’

San Francisco

Senator Eva Estrada Kalaw
Personal/Confidential

Dear Prima:

I was very touched by your concern, but I am seriously considering returning to our country soon. I think my usefulness in America has come to an end. And I think, I’ll be able to help the opposition from there more effectively than from the safety of America.

I am very worried by the seeming growth of the CPP/NPA. I do not know if Marcos and the defense establishment share my anxiety because I am afraid they are not privy to the information that have come my way. I sincerely believe that if current trends are not reversed, by 1985 the CPP/NPA will be a real threat to our Republic and way of life.

Doy and I discussed a possible dialogue with Marcos. Tragically, as I pointed out, only Marcos today can peacefully return our country to the long road back to democracy. Should Marcos die tomorrow, there won’t be anyone in our country with enough power and/or legitimacy to restructure our democratic form of government and/or re-establish the necessary institutions to restore democracy.

While I do not believe that Marcos today is in full control of the government I still believe he has enough residual power to restore certain institutions and set certain acts in motion that could hasten our return to democracy. I agree with the analysis of many Filipino watchers that Imelda is now a power in her own right. That Danding and Enrile through their control of the Coconut bank are powers to reckon with. And that Marcos today has to be careful lest alienating any of these power blocs may destabilize his regime. However, Marcos has enough residual power to influence major events.

If Marcos is sincere in holding clean and honest elections, I think we can get clean and honest elections in a majority of regions. Admittedly, his orders may be disregarded by certain local and even regional bosses, but I think with our opposition’s help, we can still manage a clean election and there will be enough people in the bureaucracy who will follow him. The key is sincerity. Tragically, I think the only power that can make Marcos sit up and listen is the US government-given the circumstances. We should therefore do everything in our power to enlist the help of the US government through Armacost and our friends in Washington. We have been doing our thing here, and you must now do your thing there. On our own, Marcos will never dialogue with the opposition sincerely. He must be pressured by a credible force that can really do him great harm. Other than the communist superpower, only the US can fill this bill.

If the US will refuse to help in this effort, I see the following scenario unfolding:

1. Marcos dies and Imelda will take over with the consent of all present actors. Divided they may fall, so they will first close in the wagons. Meanwhile, all actors will jockey for vantage position. Tragically, he who holds the gun will have a tremendous advantage. The armed forces under Ver will therefore be the major power contender. I think Ver will first try to consolidate his hold on the military before he makes his move. He will therefore strike a deal with Imelda and will prop her up till he is good and ready. Imelda will be a willing partner to the military. In time, the military will ease out Imelda and make her the scapegoat for everything that has gone wrong. Hence, we are definitely looking down on an inevitable Junta.

I believe, Danding and Enrile when Marcos dies will be content to play along so long as they are not removed from their funding source. In the event a Batasan election is called, Danding and Enrile will fund their own candidates to the Batasan in the hopes of controlling the same. But this assumes that there will be elections. We may not get to this stage and I do not see Danding and Enrile pulling a coup against Imelda and Ver. Of course you may argue: suppose Ver sides with Danding and Enrile? I do not see this possibility because Ver knows Imelda will need him more than the two guys. Hence, he’ll side with Imelda. Furthermore, Ver knows that Enrile moved heaven and earth to get Eddie Ramos the four star CS job. So there is really nothing for Ver to side with Danding and Enrile. And I submit: Ver today has effectively jockeyed his loyal followers to key positions and is the third most powerful man in the Republic.

2. The moment Imelda is eased out, the CPP/NPA will benefit from the massive disenchantment of our people. As in Nicaragua, the middle class will radicalize towards the left not right and overnight the CPP/NPA will be awash with funds and supplies. This will bring us to the brink of a civil war not unlike what is now unfolding in El Salvador. It is possible that the US might intervene and force our military junta to take in a Filipino Duarte. But I won’t bank on this. The US will panic once a junta is established and chances are it will side with the junta in an effort to prevent a greater menace: a communist takeover.

3. This scenario can be prevented if we can elect a truly representative Congress that can act with legitimacy should anything happen to FM. In a vacuum, the military will surely step into the breech.

4. Will Marcos see the logic of this proposal? No, if we do not succeed in getting super power support. FM sat down with the MNLF only when Kaddafy gave the MNLF full support. FM will soon be taking the CPP/NPA seriously the moment he is convinced the USSR is behind the latest shipment of arms. On their own, FM knows he can keep the CPP/NPA in check. But the entry of foreign supplies changes the power balance. In the same token, FM will take our moderate opposition seriously only if the US pressures him towards true democratic reforms. And it should be presented in such a way that he will adopt our proposal for his own good if not survival.

I realize many will criticize us for even thinking of possibly opening a dialogue with Marcos. Some will call this an imperialist plot designed and conceived in Washington. But if we are to prevent a communist takeover, we must help Marcos inspite of himself find a peaceful solution to our crisis.
I am sure the CPP/NPA will be most unhappy by the holding of a clean and honest election because this will delay their timetable.

Clean and honest elections will provide fresh hope to people almost desperate. If we are to prevent the rapid radicalization of our people to the left we must present them with a credible hope and that can be accomplished if we can work out a peaceful transition scenario with the top actor: Marcos.

Only a hopeless people will turn to communism. We must therefore exert every effort to convince Marcos that a genuine return to democracy is the only sure path out of the enveloping red tide.

Only more democracy can defeat communism. Increased repression will only hasten the communist victory.

While we are enlisting the help of Armacost, some of our people should start contacting our former colleagues who have gone to Marcos: i.e., Maning Pelaez, Enchong Sumulong, Lawrence Teves, Landring Almendras, even Leonie Perez and Manong Joe Roy. I think someone should try to get all the senators together and discuss this developing crisis. Collectively I think the last elected senators of the Republic can still bring Marcos to his senses. Someone should contact Turing Tolentino, Liwag, Maning Pelaez and Joe Roy. If we can convince these people of the urgency of the situation, together they can secretly call all the rest of the senators. I think, to propose a clean and honest election to Marcos will not be taken as subversion by the first couple. But only if we can convince our former colleagues on the gravity of the situation can they in turn convince the First Couple.

It has been suggested that maybe we should wait for the proper time: When the insurgents have already demonstrated their capabilities for major destruction. However, if we wait too long, events might overtake us and I am afraid when the present trickle of bloodshed becomes a flood, violence would develop a momentum of its own and we will all be sucked into the vortex. I pray to God this won’t happen.

I think Marcos today is the least of our problem. Soon, maybe sooner than later, Marcos will go. It is indeed ironical that it will be the greatest tragedy if Marcos dies tomorrow without filling in the present vacuum, without a credible institution. We must exert every effort to create this credible institution fast-a genuinely elected Congress that will truly represent our people so that in the event of Marcos’ passing, it will be able to carry out a peaceful transfer of power.

Am I indulging in an impossible dream? I hope not, for the sake of our people. Every bloody revolution has inevitably consumed its own children. What will be our future if the killers of today will become our leaders tomorrow? The lessons of Iran and Nicaragua are too fresh to be forgotten.

NINOY

‘NO EFFORT WAS SPARED TO DEHUMANIZE AND DESTROY ME’

To Cory, my dearly beloved wife, my patient suffering mother, my darling children, my sisters, brothers and relatives, friends, and supporters:

I have requested my lawyers to withdraw whatever cases and motions I have in the Supreme Court. I have also vowed to continue the hunger strike I began ten days ago.

You will probably ask me why I have chosen this course of action. I owe you an explanation, not only because you have stood by me all these years, but because in my mind I feel I am entitled to your steadfast, unflinching support only when I truly deserve it.

Last April 4, when the Military Commission suddenly made a complete turn-about and forced me, against my will, to be present in proceedings which are not only clearly illegal but unjust, I said I shall have no other alternative but to go on a hunger strike in protest against a procedure that is intended to humiliate and dehumanize me, considering that all they wanted was for me to be identified as a common criminal, and not only for myself but on behalf of the many other victims of today’s oppression and injustices.

I had filed in the Supreme Court a petition for prohibition against the Military Commission since August, 1973. I had asked for an injunction days before it started its hearing on August 27, 1973. No injunction was issued by the Supreme Court and in the hearing before the Military Commission on August 27, 1973, I declared that I would not participate in the proceedings of the military tribunal. I want you to recall what I said then-that my case is unique in that more than one year before Mr. Marcos proclaimed martial law, he had publicly accused me and pronounced me guilty, on the basis of evidence which he described as “not only strong but overwhelming,” that he could have filed the charges against me with the civil courts which were not then under his control, that the trial before the military tribunal would be an unconscionable mockery because its members are subordinates of the President and are completely beholden to him, that every part of my being is against one-man rule, that I fully realize the consequences of my decision, that I have chosen to follow my conscience and accept the tyrant’s verdict. These sentiments are even more valid today than on that day when they were first uttered.

I had expected the Supreme Court in 1974 to issue a temporary injunction or even a restraining order against the Military Commission, especially after my lawyers called its attention to two press statements of Mr. Marcos before the world saying he had actually removed martial law, and that legally martial law no longer existed in the Philippines. The Government lawyers, I understand, admitted the fact that he had made those statements.

Then, last March 10, 1975, the Military Commission granted, without my knowledge and without first hearing me, a petition filed by the Prosecution to perpetuate the testimonies of unidentified witnesses against me, and scheduled the hearings on March 31 up to April 4.

As soon as I god hold of the papers, my lawyers filed with the Supreme Court an Urgent Motion dated March 24, 1975, for the issuance of a temporary restraining order against the Military Commission, on the main ground that to hear the testimonies of these witnesses would render the prohibition suit in the Supreme Court moot, and academic, since the perpetuation of testimony proceedings would actually be a part of the trial-the very question at issue in the high court.

No restraining order was issued. The Military Commission held its first hearing, as scheduled, last March 31. At the very start, I questioned the legal authority of the Military Commission to perpetuate the testimonies of the prosecution witnesses on the ground of lack of jurisdiction, and estoppel. I pointed out that to proceed would be to let our people know that Mr. Marcos, who is my accuser, is also the prosecutor and final judge of his own charges against me. The Prosecution replied that the proceedings were merely for perpetuation of testimony and were not a part of the trial.

The hearing before the Military Commission was continued on April 1, on which date the Commission brushed aside my opposition, saying that the proceedings were not a part of the trial. On the question of whether I should be present or not, it rendered a well-studied ruling that in accordance with law I need not be present.

I went back to my prison cell. To my surprise, on April 2, I received a Motion for Reconsideration from the Prosecution, asking the Commission to set aside its own ruling, and to compel me to be present. I knew in my bones that Mr. Marcos would not be satisfied with my absence-he wanted me to be humiliated and demolished frontally! Hearing was resumed on April 3, and on April 4 the Military Commission ordered that I be produced bodily before it. In a ruling that shocked me, the military tribunal reversed its own decision and held that the proceedings were now part of the actual trial, and that I must be present, even against my will. I requested for a short period of 7 days, so I could prepare, in my prison cell, a formal Motion for Reconsideration, and allow my lawyers to seek relief from the Supreme Court, but this plea for a 7-day period of suspension was denied on the spot. I thereupon announced that I would go on a hunger strike. Mr. Marcos’ favorite witness, Commander Melody, was immediately called to testify against me. This confessed murderer pointed to me as having ordered Commander Dante, in the presence of so many persons, to liquidate a barrio captain in Tarlac, who had been my loyal follower through many campaigns! Thus began the process of dehumanization.

In the meanwhile, the day before, April 3, my lawyers received a Resolution from the Supreme Court, dated April 1, stating that for “lack of a necessary quorum” of 10 justices, it could not act on my Urgent Motion for a restraining order because it involved a constitutional question.

Hearing continued in the Military Commission, with Commander Melody as the star witness. Through the controlled newspapers and the tv-radio stations, vivid accounts of my supposed crimes against society were recounted. No effort was spared to dehumanize and destroy me as Mr. Marcos’ political rival. I was supposed to be nothing more than a plain criminal.

After the hearing of April 7, I was allowed to meet my lawyers. I told them that at that point I did not need anything from the Supreme Court. Mr. Marcos had already accomplished his propaganda objective. He achieved, through his pampered witness, the purpose he set out to accomplish. My lawyers showed me a draft of a Manifestation they wanted to file. I said I did not want anything from the Supreme Court, and that the whole thing had been designed, composed and orchestrated in Malacañang. My lawyers said it was necessary to call the attention of the Supreme Court to the gross injustices committed against me, so no one could validly say later than the highest court of the land did not know anything about them. I agreed that it be filed, on that understanding.

The next day, April 8, I was brought back to the Military Commission for the resumption of the hearing. I felt very weak, due to hunger, but I had in my favor a clear conscience and a will that is ever stronger now than on the day I started my fast. Mr. Marcos’ star witness had just about finished the demolition job assigned to him. I felt that the case I had filed since 1973 in the Supreme Court had become meaningless. The dictator, with all the awesome powers of his office, had seen to that.

In the afternoon of April 8, after the adjournment of the hearing, my long-suffering wife arrived with the news that the Supreme Court had at last issued a temporary restraining order against the Commission and that there would be a hearing on the Motion for a Restraining Order on April 14, 1975. My reaction was quick, despite my increasing weakness: “This is too late and too little. I don’t need anything anymore from the. Let the military proceedings go on, as scheduled, so the whole world will see the meaning and essence of justice under martial law dictatorship.” The Prosecution had charged that the purpose of my hunger strike was to delay the taking of the testimony of their star witness. Let them eat their words-I want the star witness to go on and on, including all their other witnesses, so the whole world will see the difference between a half-truth and a complete falsehood.

On Bataan Day, April 9, I was brought again before the Military Commission. The Prosecution read the text of the restraining order and moved that the hearing be adjourned until further orders from the Supreme Court. Just what I thought! They wanted it stopped now-the whole thing has become embarrassing. I asked the permission of the Commission to say a few things. This was granted. I told them my path to God is more important than any oath I could take before men. I wanted my own testimony perpetuated, since I may have to meet my Maker shortly. (By the way, please get the full transcript of my statement.) In part, I said that I may perhaps be credited with a little intelligence. How could I possibly have ordered Dante, in the presence of so many persons, including Melody whom I had never seen or met before, to liquidate a barrio captain? I also told them I would request my lawyers not to file any petition before the Supreme Court, to withdraw the urgent motion for restraining order, and for the Military Commission to continue its hearings.

Despite my hunger strike, or probably because of it, I see with unmistakable clarity that my legal battles in the Supreme Court are now over. Mr. Marcos is the single genius, composing and directing all the proceedings, whether in the military tribunal or in the civil courts. This is the evil of one-man rule at its very worst. He has destroyed the independence of the civil courts, abolished the legislature, controlled the mass media, curtailed our cherished liberties-with the backing of the military, which, ironically, exist “for the good of the people.”

Without the Supreme Court as an obstacle, I have decided to go on my hunger strike and place my fate and my life squarely in the hands of my accuser, prosecutor, and judge-Mr. Marcos. Thus the plain, naked truth will be made clear to our people and to the rest of the world.

As I said, my hunger strike is not for myself alone, but for the many thousands of Filipinos who are helpless victims of the oppression and injustices of the so-called New Society. The meaning and thrust of my struggle and sacrifice transcend the limited question of absence or presence in the proceedings before the military tribunal.

I have therefore solemnly vowed to continue my hunger strike as a symbol of our people’s firm protest against:

1. the trial of civilians before military tribunals, particularly for offenses allegedly committed by them before martial law;

2. the lack of judicial independence. Trials by civil courts would still be a travesty of justice, especially in cases where those in power, their relatives or associates, are interested-for as long as our judges remain “casuals.” They should be given permanent tenure, for their own good and for the benefit of our people who have a vital stake in a sound administration of justice;

3. the absence of a genuine free press. Since martial law was proclaimed, I have been unfairly condemned and vilified by the controlled newspapers and tv-radio stations. I know there are many people who have been similarly pilloried. But a genuine free press is even more important for those who are in power. It may free them form their arrogance, their prejudices, and their pretensions, and help them see the injustices they have committed against their own people; and

4. the further continuation of martial law and its evils and repressions. After all, Mr. Marcos has already announced to the world that he had actually removed martial law since April 1974.

I know I have caused my loved ones immeasurable anguish and sorrow. But as I told the Military Commission last March 31, there comes a time in a man’s life when he must prefer a meaningful death to a meaningless life. Let Mr. Marcos realize that there are still Filipinos who are prepared to suffer and lay down their lives for a cause bigger than their own physical survival.

Others may know better ways of fighting the evils and injustices of one-man rule. But for me, a prisoner in an army camp, my only shelter is a clear conscience, my only shield my unshakeable faith that this is still a moral universe and that right and goodness will triumph in the end. Beyond the greed, the pride, the insolence, and the pretensions of those who rule us through force and fear and fraud, there is a living Almighty God who knows the dark mysteries of evil in the hearts of men. I know His justice, truth, and righteousness will reign and endure forever.

Those who have the force of arms will win in the meanwhile. But they will surely lose in the end. For to paraphrase Unamuno, the great thinker, for them to finally prevail, they must convince; to convince, they have to persuade; and in order to persuade, they need what they do not and cannot have: right and reason in the crucial struggle.

You will never know how much and how often you have been with me in the desolation of my prison cell. But be consoled in the thought that this is the least I can do for our helpless people. My only regret is that I cannot give more.

With all my love,
NINOY

‘I HAVE DECIDED TO CHALLENGE DEATH’

6:20 p.m.

Senator Francisco ‘Soc’ Rodrigo

My dearest Soc:

Why did God create a single man at the dawn of creation and not an instant crowd, a multitude to speed up the population of the universe? I’ve always been intrigued by this question till I came across the works of a Talmudic scholar several months ago. He said:

Therefore was a single man only first created, to teach thee that whosoever destroys a single soul from the children of man, Scripture charges him as though he had destroyed the whole world.”

How many children of men have been destroyed in this land of ours since our tyrant took over? How many have vanished in the night in the flower of their youth? How many are still dying in the south in a useless carnage that could have been easily averted? How will he be charged by the Scripture-he, who destroyed not only one but a crowd, a multitude!

Our nation has been transformed into a garrison state, an entire nation made captive and betrayed by its own leader. The tyranny continues to rampage unchecked. The nation awaits its end. But nothing happens! Why?

I believe the cause delaying our liberation may be found in ourselves; in our reluctance to assert our rights and frontally confront the forces of evil. We are afraid to die and our fear has immobilized us. We have forged our own chains with our cowardice!

The Greeks said we should not fear death, but rather the fear of death. Death has no terror, only death of shame!

I have decided to challenge death. I do not believe I’m sinning against my creator because in the end, I am not really my own executioner. By my example, I hope I can inspire two others. Like the dominoes, one has to fall to create the chain reaction.

It has been observed, people take their cues from attitudes not arguments; they object to manners, never consider ideas. This is the psychology of the mass. I’m beginning to see the validity of this observation. We have been arguing ourselves hoarse against the present tyranny with apparently little effect. We have been expounding our ideas of freedom and liberty evoking little response. The time has come to shift gears, to change strategy.

If we want our people to follow, I propose, we must cease arguing and start acting, doing what a freeman must do to assert his rights and to defend his freedoms. Action, not words. Selfless example, not ideas. The time for talking is past!

For my part, I’ve decided to act and set the example. If I fail, at least, it is not for lack of trying. I think it was you who said during our bull sessions in Bldg. No. 3 two years ago:

Tis better to try and to fail, rather than to fail to try and forever experience the inestimable loss of what might have been.”

Yes, Soc, I do not want to face my children and their generation in humiliation and shame for having failed to try and thereby allowing a tyranny to entrench itself.

I want to thank you for your spiritual guidance. The faith you rekindled in me sustained me through the dark nights. I remember you telling me: Everywhere, a greater joy is preceded by a greater suffering. I remember you telling me that God does not sleep, and that if we must be true to Him, we should follow the example of His Redeemer Son.

When reviled, we bless; when persecuted, we endure: when slandered, we try to conciliate-for Christianity is a religion for slaves, or if you will, for the freedman of the Lord.”

Yes, thanks to you, I am a better man-a better soldier for truth and freedom.

You helped me find my Savior Christ through the fog of doubt and the thick clouds of human arrogance. Now that I have found him, I have achieved my inner peace. I cannot wait to finally discover-if the Lord had been so good to those who seek-what shall His goodness be to those who discovered Him?

My single prayer to Him had been: Let me not live to be useless. I think He has answered my prayers!

I am afraid I won’t be able to thank you personally and kiss and embrace your faithful wife whose demeanor in the face of difficulties had been our collective source of inspiration. Please kiss her for me and ask her to remember me in her prayers as she will always be in mine. Tell your children, especially King, their generosity and concern were the straws of hope I desperately hang on.

From the start, your faith never wavered. You were the bedrock of optimism. You were the ‘summer storm heralding the distant storm.’ Unfortunately, it is my sad fate to depart before the deluge.

Good-bye!
NINOY