Category: ASEAN

Anwar & Ninoy

Na-excite ako when I heard that Anwar Ibrahim was coming for a two-day state visit. Knowing that he is a huge fan of Rizal and Ninoy, I wondered if he would dare speak Ninoy’s name in the same breath as Rizal’s, the way he did in 2011 in a U.P. lecture. Read “Malaysia’s Anwar Ibrahim: Honor Rizal, Ninoy” and Jose Rizal And Ninoy Aquino And Their Impact On ASEAN Leadership.

But of course he didn’t mention Ninoy, now is not a good time, obviously — why offend one’s host nga naman. In Butch Dalisay’s “A Homecoming for Anwar” the Prime Minister’s remarks upon accepting  an honorary U.P. Doctor of Laws degree resonate anyway.

DALISAY. Anwar argued strongly and eloquently for the restoration of justice, compassion, and moral righteousness to ASEAN’s hierarchy of concerns, beyond the usual economic and political considerations. He was particularly critical of ASEAN’s blind adherence to its longstanding policy of non-interference in its members’ internal affairs, noting that “ASEAN should not remain silent in the face of blatant human rights violations” and that “non-interference cannot be a license to disregard the rule of law.”

Extensively quoting Rizal, whom he had studied and lectured often about, Anwar urged his audience to free themselves from the self-doubt engendered by being colonized, while at the same time remaining vigilant against subjugation by their “homegrown masters.” I found myself applauding his speech at many turns, less out of politeness than a realization that I was in the presence of a real thinker and doer whose heart was in the right place. (And Anwar was not without wry humor, remarking that as a student leader visiting UP, “I was under surveillance by both Malaysian and Philippine intelligence. Now I have the Minister of Intelligence with me.”).

Anwar has always reminded me of Ninoy who was jailed for 7 years and 7 months (1972-1980) for being daw a communist but really because he was a threat to Marcos’s dynasty plans.  Anwar too was a popular oppositionist who was persecuted for his political views, with three prison sentences and 11 years in jail to his name for alleged corruption and sodomy just because he was a threat to Malaysia’s powers-that-be.

GUARDIAN. Anwar began his career in politics as Mahathir’s protege in the early 1980s – having already spent almost two years in jail for political protest – and quickly rose through the ranks to become deputy prime minister in 1993. His first downfall came in 1998, when he and Mahathir fell out over alleged cronyism and economic crisis, and Mahathir began to fear Anwar’s vast popularity. Anwar was ousted from office and then found himself charged with sodomy and corruption.

The resulting court case, the longest in Malaysian history, was an exercise in humiliation for Anwar, who was accused of sodomy with his speechwriter and wife’s chauffeur. “I cannot accept a man who is a sodomist to become the leader of this country,” said Mahathir at the time. Even though the evidence was flimsy and much of it coerced, Anwar was found guilty in 1999 of corruption and in 2000 of sodomy, landing him with a cumulative 15-year prison sentence.

He was allowed out in 2004, having spent six years in solitary confinement, and was allowed back into politics in 2008, when he ran as opposition leader in the election. But his reappearance on the political scene was not without ramifications. In 2010, he was put on trial again for sodomy, in hearings that went on for two years. He was acquitted, then ran again as opposition leader in the 2013 elections, gaining more of the votes, but still losing to Najib. But a year after Najib won the election, Anwar’s acquittal was overturned and he was sentenced to five years in jail for sodomy.  [https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/may/16/malaysia-anwar-ibrahim-released-from-prison. “Malaysia: Anwar Ibrahim released from prison”]

But in 2016 Mahathir Mohamad did the unexpected.

The two men … buried the hatchet in 2016, when Dr. Mahathir unexpectedly showed up in court to support his imprisoned former deputy. It was their first friendly meeting since they parted ways nearly two decades before. Two years later, the alliance was formalized as they joined together to defeat scandal-tainted Prime Minister Najib Razak (2009-2018) in the May 2018 general election. [https://www.gisreportsonline.com/r/malaysian-prime-minister/. “Malaysia’s political transition: Mahathir to Anwar 2.0”]

The week after elections, on 16 May 2018, Malaysia’s King, Sultan Muhammad V, officially pardoned and released Anwar after meeting with members of the pardons board and Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad.

STRAITS TIMES. Malaysia’s Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad said he would honour an agreement by the four partners of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) alliance to step down after two years and hand over the country’s leadership to Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.

“I am confident that he is now more mature and much experienced,” Tun Mahathir said at a gathering with Malaysians residing in Brunei at a hotel on Sunday evening (Sept 2). [https://www.straitstimes.com/asia/se-asia/pm-mahathir-says-he-will-honour-agreement-to-hand-power-to-anwar-after-two-years “PM Mahathir says he will honour agreement to hand power to Anwar after two years”]

November 2022, ending five days of unprecedented post-election crisis after inconclusive polls, the King of Malaysia stepped up and appointed Anwar the new Prime Minister. Poetic justice.

IMAGINE

What if, ikinulong na lang uli ni Marcos si Ninoy? What if, like Mahathir Mohamad, who valued Anwar Ibrahim enough to keep him alive if in jail, eventually to himself pave the way for Anwar’s release and rise to Prime Minister, the 10th of Malaysia…. What if Marcos, too, had cared enough about nation and valued Ninoy enough to keep him alive if in jail, perhaps eventually to himself nobly step aside, make way for the return of democracy and Ninoy’s turn at the presidency (better late than never)?  Alas, Marcos was no Mahathir.

Can PH face up to the AEC challenge?

By Ernesto M. Pernia

A plethora of explanations has been advanced as to why the Philippines falls well behind the other four Asean originals (Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia). These range from the protectionist policies for “infant industries,” political instability particularly in the 1980s that practically shooed Japanese FDIs (foreign direct investments) to our neighbors, weak governance and dysfunctional institutions, to poor infrastructure, rapid population growth, brain and skills drain from massive emigration, etc. While all these likely mattered one way or another, little is said about the underinvestment in education in general and in science and technology (S&T) in particular. Being a public good, education and S&T create positive externalities and, hence, tend to be privately underconsumed and undersupplied especially in terms of quality.

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