hay naku, these holy men in skirts, they’re as messed up as romulo neri, ha! they say/know that the corruption goes all the way up to the president, yet they balk at removing her, and would rather that we trust HER to herself fix the problem instead of people resorting to another EDSA. as if!

as if she or her people would be stupid enough to ever tell the truth on the hello-garci tapes, or on the jocojoc bolante fertilizerscam, or on the grossly overpriced nbn-zte-fg deal. sure, she might give in to pressure and give up on e.o.464, but not on executive privilege, no way.

clearly the bishops are divided, we don’t know lang how divided, they won’t say. but bishop deogracias iniguez warned us feb 17 in diyos at bayan with brother eddie villanueva. the bishop was not optimistic at all that the 120 bishops would agree to ask for gma’s resignation.

medyo mahirap marating ang pagkakaisa . . . magkakaiba ang priorities  . . . kanya-kanyang ugnayan sa gobyerno . . . merong mga obispong tumatanaw ng utang na loob sa government officials.”

hmm. ano kayang klaseng utang na loob? at bakit SILA ang nasusunod? the bishops should be setting the example, rising above self-centered, or should we say, vested, interests for the good of the whole. instead they’re behaving just like the lower house of congress. how saklap.

absurd are the arguments being pushed against an EDSA kind of action to end the morally bankrupt arroyo regime:

1. the political instability would impact negatively on our “booming economy.”
2. we should adhere to democratic processes.
3. EDSA I and II brought only cosmetic, not systemic, changes.
4. the world will not forgive another EDSA.

on the “booming” economy

says sonny africa, research head of the independent think-tank IBON Foundation, the rapid growth of gross domestic product (GDP) to 7.3% does not reflect any growth in manufacturing and agriculture (the lowest since the 1960s), domestic employment (worst joblessness of any administration), and real family incomes (at its lowest over the last 10 years).

The growth that the administration hypes is meaningless for millions of Filipinos. It merely reflects the profits of a few big foreign corporations and their local partners,” says Africa. Even worse, “The economy has been distorted by economic globalization and is less and less able to create sufficient jobs and decent incomes for millions of Filipinos.”

for his part, cielito habito believes that the 7.3 % may be overrated, more like 5.3 to 6.3 % if measured in a way comparable to pre-2004 data.

“As widely lamented, we have been witnessing a growth that has not filtered down to the lower levels of society. Even my friend, Albay Governor Joey Salceda, seen by many as the de facto chief economic adviser of the President, admits to losing sleep over the unmistakable drop in real incomes of the middle and lower classes in recent years, as clearly evidenced by the highly-reliable Family Income and Expenditures Survey (FIES).

” . . . But even granting that the news is indeed good, is it really the government that we ought to thank for that? If the inflation rate has been low-i.e., prices have been more stable (although I keep getting reader mail disputing that)-we have the weak dollar and our OFWs to thank for that, for raising the value of the peso.

” . . . In short, if we are seeing positive developments in the economy, it is all in spite of, rather than because of our current leadership. We deserve, and could attain, much better.”

on democratic processes

the process of removing an unworthy President is in the hands of our representatives in congress.but our elected representatives have been failing us, have lost all independence from the executive department, thanks to the pork barrel system, and have been quick to throw out impeachment complaints, no matter how valid, worse, with the support of the supreme court that ruled in the lower house’s favor allowing only one impeachment complaint a year.

sabi nga ni manolo quezon:

“When the President inoculated herself, last year, from impeachment until this July, she did so with the connivance of the House. A House now dominated by her two sons who are more powerful than the new Speaker.”

been there, done that

indeed, EDSA I and II brought only cosmetic, not systemic, changes. but that’s no excuse for not doing it again. we just have to do it better.

given People Power as an instrument for change, and knowing what we do now about how far gma will go, lying, cheating, stealing, to stay in power, to do nothing can NOT be the right thing to do. to do nothing is to be an accomplice to the corruption of the evil ones now lording it over congress and the military.

at the very least, just not having a lying stealing cheating oligarch-coddler in the highest seat of power will already make a difference. as above, so below. crooked leader, crooked people.

at least, this time we’re not dealing with a conjugal conspiracy to take over the presidency a la the Arroyos in 2000-2001. this time we’re dealing with a vice president who, in fairness, has yet to say or do anything objectionable. the least we owe him, as a duly elected official, is the benefit of the doubt. kung hindi tayo bibitaw, if we remain vigilant, or supportive of civil society’s vigilant ones, and noli de castro is compelled to behave according to the highest standards of public service and public trust, the next two years can be painless, if not actually reformist.

“the world will not forgive another EDSA”

the world equates EDSA with political instability and mob rule. but really, by removing GMA and her cohorts, we would be removing the cause of the political instability. mob rule? better to have people-powered nonviolent mob rule than a lying, cheating, stealing president whose armed forces are into extrajudicial killings.

of course the world’s ruling classes would hate it – what if their own people used it on them? and what if, eventually, we learned to use People Power to do away not just with immoral presidents but also with systemic dysfunctions suchas oligarchic rule and booty capitalism, the pork barrel, and an antiquated election system that our representatives in Congress are unable or unwilling to do anything about. what if their people took their cue from us? why, we could change the world.

but we have to start here at home. after getting rid of gma, we can start getting ready for the 2010 elections, put all presidentiables and vice-presidentiables, as well as senators and congressmen, on notice that what the nation needs are candidates who can agree on a a pro-Filipino vision and pro-Filipino program of government – thinking Filipinos who have a handle on political currents, local and global, who have the charisma to inspire and unite us fractious Pinoys into a creative whole, so that we can rise above our divided selves and find new sustainable ways of relating and dealing and doing business with each other, for each other.

day four, tuesday, began with midnight fireworks. persisting rumors of marcos’s fall and flight prompted many to celebrate with firecrackers.

outside malacanang, a group of 500 or so students keeping vigil near nagtahan bridge exploded a bunch of firecrackers, and from time to time threw stones and empty bottles at soldiers who reacted by shooting into the air, which noise must have freaked out the marcoses in the palace even more.

in fact they had started to pack up. marcos’s sons-in-law supervised the packing of dozens of crates of family possessions, including daw hundreds of thousands of dollars in gold bullion and bonds, more than a million dollars worth of freshly printed pesos, as well as artifacts and jewels. these were delivered by boat to a bayfront lawn adjacent to the u.s. embassy.

wrote lewis m. simons in worth dying for [1987]:

There was little sleep in the palace that night as aides scurried from room to room, sifting through cabinets and boxes filled with documents, receipts, letters, many of them incriminating. Imelda Marcos was able to provide little advice to her husband. She seemed dazed, drifting in and out of her private chapel where she knelt and prayed. Marcos’s son Bongbong and General Ver were arguing desperately with him to stay and fight.”

2:45 a.m. marcos phoned u.s. senator paul laxalt to ask whether reagan’s message supporting cory aquino was valid. imelda also called nancy reagan to ask what the message was all about. nancy said she would ask her husband.

Ver had not yet given up on efforts to retake channel 4 despite a warning sent to him from Washington hinting that he would not be allowed to leave should marcos decide to, if he did not freeze his troops.

worried that his rangers would be utilized general brawner did not respond to an order to report to army headquarters. instead he prepared to report to camp crame. but ramos ordered him to hold and consolidate the army base at fort bonifacio.

on edsa rumors of impending attacks still abounded, but everything was quiet and the crowds were able to sleep, among the litter and stench of urine.

it was for marcos really that the darkest hour was just before dawn, when he and imelda got their replies from washington. laxalt’s advice: cut and cut cleanly. nancy’s: if marcos avoids violence he will be invited to live in the u.s.

wrote sandra burton in impossible dream [1989]:

5:30 a.m. his family had been urging marcos to leave, to no avail. imelda had resisted the idea for a time but now she, too, was resigned to the prospect. he had continued to insist that he would stay and fight, but had urged the family to go. now however something in his demeanor told them to proceed with arrangements for all of them to leave. son-in-law tommy manotoc called a friend at the u.s. embassy and gave the “go” signal they had been waiting for.”

6:00 a.m. the vicinity of club filipino in greenhills, san juan, was ablaze with yellow as people started to pour in. most of the early birds came from an all-night vigil in nearby camp crame.

unknown to the people, over in cory’s home in times street, quezon city, reformist generals were still trying to convince cory to hold the inauguration in camp crame as club filipino would be impossible to secure. they offered to fly her to crame in a chopper. but cory was adamant in her refusal: camp crame was the first place where ninoy, where every political detainee was brought during the martial law years.

7:00 a.m. ambasssador bosworth ordered general teddy allen of jusmag to make arrangements for the evacuation of marcos from the palace, with options of transport by air, land, and sea for 30 people, available within one hour from marcos’s go-signal.

on mother ignacia street, where channel 9’s transmission towers were located, a firefight broke out between rebels and loyalists.

by 8:00 a.m. the sampaguita hall of club filipino where the oathtaking was to take place was packed. 500 people were allowed entry into a space whose normal capacity was 300. mostly opposition leaders, journalists, well-known supporters, and of course the aquinos and laurels.

the presidential table was reserved for 15, among them former vps fernando lopez and emmanuel pelaez and supreme court justices claudio teehankee and vicente abad santos. no seats for enrile and ramos at cory’s table; they were not expected to attend, given their objections to the venue.

8:30 a.m. over in camp crame, while reformist offficers were still insisting that the inauguration should happen where a lot of the action had taken place, enrile received a phone call from marcos who suggested that he and enrile set up a provisional government. he’d remain as honorary President until 1987 so he could leave politics in an orderly manner. enrile said it was too late, and soon left for club filipino with ramos and their security forces.

in malacanang palace over breakfast with chief justice aquino, imee admitted that none of them got any sleep because the president called them all to his bedroom and talked to them all night.

around 9:30 a.m. enrile and ramos, dressed in combat uniform, arrived aboard a chopper. seats were added with the unexpected arrival of the rebels, accompanied by their security aides from the new armed forces.

10:15 a.m. cory arrived, wearing a bright yellow linen outfit with cut-work sleeves, more than her usual light make-up, small diamond earrings and a black-strap watch.

said fvr in a 1991 interview:

what was electric was when cory aquino herself came in. the whole room burst into spontaneous applause. cory supporters were waving yellow banners and all sorts of yellow things. it was a very inspiring moment.”

10:40 a.m. – Laurel took his oath of office as Vice President of the Philippines before Supreme Court Justice Vicente Abad Santos.

10:46 a.m. – Aquino was sworn into office by Supreme Court Justice Claudio Teehankee. as justice teehankee uttered the final words of the oath, a tremendous cheer broke loose from every throat. flags waved, hats and bandannas were thrown into the air. outside there was dancing in the streets.

cory issued executive order no. 1 that filled up three key positions in her government: laurel as prime minister, enrile as defense minister, and fidel ramos as chief of staff of the new armed forces. she also promoted ramos from lt. gen. to the full rank of general.

wrote amando doronila in the manila times:

one is disappointed that none of the people of the lower orders of philippine society is represented at the head table. most of the people inside are still members of old political families who social and economic backgrounds put them in key positions to influence policy decisions. new forces in society crying out for recognition are invisible within the club filipino power elite.”

just like over at the new channel 4. wrote activist behn cervantes in business day:

when some johnny-come-lately, you are told, has to approve a formal organizational statement you have, you say, “no way!” when martial law was declared and censorship was the thing, you did not follow the rule. who is this johnny who has the unofficial power to approve or disapprove? in your mind you say, “up yours!” and read the statement anyway.”

out in the streets, the action had shifted from edsa to mendiola and other roads leading to malacanang palace. jp laurel from nagtahan bridge to ayala bride was teeming with the marcos version of people power, waving placards and shouting “marcos pa rin!”

mendiola, connecting jp lauel and legarda streets, was also filled with marcos followers up to barbed wire accordions several meters deep where a pro-aquino crowd was gathering. each side was beginning to taunt the other.

on the palace lawns were nine armored personnel carriers and tanks, the engines of some running,and hundreds of soldiers carrying automatic m-16 rifles.

inside the palace, less than a thousand were allowed to enter and only half were permitted into the ceremonial hall where marcos was to take his oath of office. several cabinet ministers, officials of the kilusang bagong lipunan, and members of various youth and community groups identified with the marcos party filled about three-quarters of the spacious hall. most of the 500 people were in casual attire, which was unusual; the marcoses usually required strictly formal wear for palace functions.

11:45 a.m. the marcoses entered the hall and were greeted with cheers of “marcos, marcos, marcos pa rin!”

11:55 a.m. chief justice ramon c. aquino swore marcos into office. as marcos raised his right hand in solemn oath, the live television coverage was abruptly cut off. a perfect shot at a transmitter, ordered by reformist col. honesto isleta, had immobilized channels 2, 9, and 13 simultaneously. marcos had lost all touch with the public.

after the oath-taking and a short speech by marcos, chief justice aquino was called back to reenact the ritual for cameras and video tapes. then marcos followed his wife and son to the balcony where they waved to the crowd gathered below and he delivered a strongly worded speech in pilipino, and imelda sang “dahil sa iyo” for the last time. then they withdrew to their rooms and were not seen again.

over in camp crame, a reception area had been set up for defecting soldiers: brawner and his entire ranger regiment, piccio and his men, and more, many of them pushed in by relatives who had been at the barricades.

but the stream of defections to the rebel side was no big deal – just as many troops were still fence-sitting, waiting for more proof that marcos was truly finished, just like reagan, who until the end were hoping that marcos would come up with something brilliant that would save his regime anew.

but marcos was ill, running a fever; he had lost it, so to speak, a fact that ver finally discerned that afternoon. at 3 p.m. he finally agreed to speak with a c.i.a. officer about exiting with marcos. by 4 p.m. he was seen in malacanang park in civilian attire.

in camp crame around 4:30 p.m. enrile and his men prepared to move out and retake camp aguinaldo. enrile introduced honasan to the jubilant crowd outside as the man who precipitated the fall of marcos. honasan spoke with forked tongue, denied plotting to kill marcos: “we did not plan any coup d’etat or assassination. our action was purely for the purpose of survival.”

between 5 and 6 p.m. marcos phoned enrile, asked him to tell bosworth to make available gen. allen to be his security escort as he wanted to leave the palace. the packing became more frantic.

at 6:30 p.m. military officers ordered remaining malacañang personnel, even those on the night shift, to evacuate. this while allen and manotoc were talking on the phone finalizing exit details. marcos picked up an extension and allen asked him where he wanted to go. marcos said, to clark air force base, then to ilocos norte. “we are ready to go now.”

wrote presidential aide arturo aruiza in malacanang to makiki [1991]:

The traffic between the bedrooms upstairs and Heroes Hall below grew more frenzied as all kinds of lugage made their way down. There were carton boxes, garment bags, duffel bags, traveling bags, leather bags, attache cases, Louis Vitton bags, suitcases, and just plain boxes packed but their flaps left unsealed.

“i saw fe roa gimenez, mrs. marcos’s private secretary, emptying her desk of papers. at first she fed them to the shredder but it was slow work. i suggested that she pile them all in one place and i would order they boys to burn them.”

7:00 p.m. the u.s. embassy notified the palace of arrangements and gave the marcoses two hours to leave the palace.

outside malacanang the crowds were growing. tense na tense ang mga sundalo. wrote lino brocka in the sunday times magazine:

minsan pa, maniwala ka, nakatayong ganyan ang mga sundalo, nariyan naman ang puwersa ng bayan. hintayan. tense talaga. biglang may tumawid sa tulay mula sa bayan side papunta sa mga sundalo. may dalang pagkain. alam mo ba ang ginawa ng mga sundalo? ibinaba ang mga baril at pumalakpak! pagkatapos, kumain sila nang kumain. diyos ko, sabi namin, tao rin pala sila. gutom na gutom! eh ayun, matapos nilang kumain, tinanganan uli ang mga baril nila.”

wrote sandra burton:

although the silhouettes of the giant machines were barely visible, flying without lights, the shudder of steel descending was unmistakable to the thousands of anti-marcos demonstrators massed in the streets bordering the palace compound.”

7:30 p.m. two american helicopters from clark touched down on the pangarap golf course in malacanang park. the only treeless area in the palace grounds, even the park could only accommodate two choppers at a time.

during those final hours the first family gathered in reception hall from where they made their get-away, boarding the presidential barge to cross the pasig river to malacanang park.

8:40 p.m. a convoy of cars filled with security men made their escape to clark air base in pampanga. the family of ver and his sons, ambassador eduardo cojuangco and his family, also motored to clark to join the marcos party.

the first chopper carried imelda, bongbong, jose conrado benitez, four officers, and imelda’s luggage. the second chopper that lifted off immediately after the first carried the president, tommy and imee, greggy and irene, the children, doctors and nurses, security agents and valets.

in wack wack, cory received a call from bosworth informing her that marcos had left. everyone shouted jubilantly at hearing the news, except cory.

9:52 p.m. dzrh was the first to announce the news: “the marcoses have fled the country!” in those days of u.s. military bases, clark field in pampanga was considered u.s. territory.

on edsa and everywhere, there was dancing in the streets, fireworks, horns honking, laughing, crying, embracing. monumental traffic jams. thousands staged a victory march from crame to malacanang, and everywhere people poured out into the streets in cathartic celebration. those inside their houses rushed to get something to drink – alcoholic and otherwise – for a toast to freedom.

sunday night through the dark hours of monday, day three, was the scariest night for the throngs of people camped out around crame all the way to the corner of santolan and libis along camp aguinaldo. and monday was the longest, most eventful day.

june keithley was back on the air, this time on radyo bandido (pahabol: veritas’s signal from an emergency transmitter had died out 6 pm sunday, thanks to an early morning pc assault on the transmitter farm in bulacan).

news of defections trickled in through the night, cory spoke briefly, and whenever keithley ran out of things to say, or whenever the tension needed easing, she spinned an old scratchy version of “mambo magsaysay” and played “bayan ko” intermittently.

she also had a phonepatch to crame through which came all sorts of reports of impending attacks. the call for more people to come and shield the rebels was practically non-stop. in fact it was already 3 a.m. by the time tadiar, again, was ordered to inject marines by way of the libis backdoor into camp aguinaldo from where an assault on camp crame would be launched. crowd dispersal units would be used to sweep away human barricades.

sey ni ninotchka rosca sa endgame: the fall of marcos (1987):

The crowd had lost its middle-class character and was now diluted with legions of workers, squatter area residents, and urban poor-the great unwashed. Although there was some resentment at their presence, they could not be driven away. They provided the mass necessary to keep the rebellion’s leadership viable. Cause-oriented groups had also broken out their banners and occupied strategic spots in EDSA, in Santolan Road, in the Cubao district, and in Bohol Avenue, as well as in the intersection of streets leading to the Palace. Like night flowers, the banners flapped in the wind: KASAPI, BANDILA, ATOM, BAYAN, NATIONALIST ALLIANCE, GABRIELA.”

4:14 a.m. the marine regiment led by col. braulio balbas jumped off from fort bonifacio accompanied by crowd dispersal and control units under the direction of brig. gen. victor natividad.

keithley reported on the deteriorating defense situation; appealed to the loyalist soldiers, “magkakapatid tayo!” 5:00 a.m. ramos went on the air and appealed for more people. “an overwhelming military force has been assembled and directed to move against us!”

u.s. ambassador stephen bosworth relayed a message from the reagan white house to marcos: your time is up. marcos angrily rejected bosworth and, going on television, claimed to be in control, and that enrile and ramos were guilty of rebellion and inciting to rebellion.

the u.s. announced it would cut off all military aid if marcos used force against the rebels. too late. at 5:15 a.m., shortly after the message was released, several tear gas bombs exploded in the santolan, libis area. riot troopers dispersed the crowds and col. balbas’s column broke through the east wall of camp aguinaldo to take up positions facing the rebel camp crame.

also at 5:15 a.m. in villamor air base, col. antonio sotelo, commander of the 15th strike wing of the air force was ordered to fly two gunships to fort bonifacio.

at 5:55 a.m. major charles hotchkiss, commander of the 20th air commando squadron of the 15th strike wing led five sikorsky gunships up into the sky.

on edsa at 6:00 a.m. col. mariano santiago called for volunteers to open a “new front” to ease the pressure on the two camps. channel 4 the government tv station was the target. around a thousand people, 200 of them members of ATOM-Bayan, joined santiago. as they marched off, gunships were sighted winging towards camp crame.

the roar of their approach filled the air. on the ground the outnumbered outarmed rebel soldiers on the ground took cover, cocked their guns, waiting for the worst, the first shot; they had orders not to shoot until then. the gunships, bristling with rockets and cannon circled the camp once, then proceeded to land on the parade ground with lights blazing. it was 6:20 a.m.

out came airmen waving white flags and flashing the Laban sign. stunned silence, then a burst of clapping and cheering, a gigantic sigh of relief. sotelo said he was defecting with the entire elite 15th strike wing of the philippine air force. he was cheered wildly by the crowd of soldiers and civilians who were expecting an air bombardment.

it was a major turning point for the rebel military. biglang meron na silang air force. why not a symbolic attack on malacanang, just to let them know the rebels could launch an assault by air.

but just a few minutes later, at 6:27 a.m. keithley announced on radyo bandido that marcos and bongbong had just taken off from the manila international airport, that ver’s wife and imelda left earlier, at 3 p.m., and that imee and irene had left the night before, leaving ver alone in the malacanang.

wrote louie beltran for the inquirer:

the rejoicing at marcos’s departure (whether supposed or real) was almost manic. people cried in joy, ran out in the streets, embraced and hugged each other as if someone had announced that the bubonic plague was over.”

around 7:30 a.m. enrile and ramos, surrounded by rebel troops, went out and addressed the wildly cheering crowds inside and outside the camp. enrile declared it the “day of our liberation.” ramos was so happy he did a frog jump into the air, which drew squeals of delight from the crowd.

unfortunately nakoryente lang pala si keithley, said to be the handiwork of loyalists who hoped the news would disperse the crowds.

the moment marcos was told, he ordered information minister gregorio cendana to put him on television with imelda, kids, and apos. he was still very much around, as were balbas and his marines in camp aguinaldo with their cannons aimed on camp crame.

at 9 a.m. as preparations for the presscon proceeded, army commander gen. josephus ramas ordered balbas to fire at crame immediately. balbas had awesome firepower targeted on the rebel headquarters 200 meters away: 3 howitzers, 28 mortars, 6 rocket launchers, 6 machine guns, and 1000 rifles. balbas said they were still getting into position. again at 9:10 and at 9:20 ramas barked out the order to fire through radio. again and again balbas said his men were still getting into position.

at 9:30 marcos went on television over the government station channel 4 surrounded by imelda, imee, irene, greggy araneta, tommy manotoc, grandchildren, and bongbong in fatigues, and the vers, father and sons. grandson borgy was running all over the place. marcos announced that his inauguration would go on as scheduled the next day at noon. he appealed to civilians making up human barricades to get out of the line of fire in case of hostilities.

instead, people were streaming back to edsa, back to the barricades.

inside the crame war room, the rebels thudded down to earth. enrile and ramos sent a team to take control of channel 4 and a gunship to fly over malacanang and cripple its radio transmitter. the gunship returned within minutes. the pilots could not find the transmitter. they were sent back, this time to hit malacanang with a few rockets, but only to rattle, not hurt, its occupants.

on channel 4, while a battle for the station was raging between rebel and loyalist soldiers outside, marcos was still on the air, having his famous exchange with ver who approached, pleading with the president to give the order to attack, and marcos said no, his order was not to attack. kuno. ver had just confirmed with tadiar that the order for balbas to fire at camp crame was cleared by marcos.

9:56 a.m. people who were watching tv were stunned when, as marcos was about to answer a reporter’s question as to how he was in control, the screen blacked out. a transmitter had been hit in an exchange of gunfire with a sniper from the tower.

around 10:15 a.m. six rockets were fired on the palace, hitting the room of imelda and the garden. damage was negligible but it sent the message that the rebel force could strike any target at will. all the marcoses, from the president to the smallest grandchild, descended to the ground floor, near the elevator, huddled in a room, and came out of the attack unscathed.

in a rage following the rocket attack, ver radioed wing commander of the f-5 fighters then flying over malacanang and ordered him to bomb camp crame immediately. the squadron commander’s reply: yes sir, proceeding to bomb malacanang palace now! marcos had lost his jet fighters.

this while irwin ver was calling balbas and ordering a full attack on the rebels, saying that the palace was hit and suffered ten casualties. but balbas couldn’t bring himself to fire; there would be an unacceptable number of civilian casualties as people had been allowed inside crame grounds, perhaps among them his wife and kids.

11:30 a.m. channel 4 finally fell into rebel hands.

11:45 a.m. radio veritas began broadcasting with channel 4 facilities.

12 noon. sotelo dispatched three gunships that strafed villamor air base and destroyed five choppers on the ground. all were completely crippled. one exploded.

12:30 p.m. on orders of tadiar, balbas pulled the marines pulled out of camp aguinaldo.

from then on it was downhill all the way for marcos.

1:25 p.m. channel 4 was born again, live. in came the superstars, the not-so stars. the station became a cory-enrile-ramos propaganda machine nonstop.

2:00 p.m. batasan members of parliament met in doy laurel’s residence. they recommended that the new government not be provisional in nature but constitutional, de jure, and permanent.

at three o’clock in the afternoon, as the moon waxed full, edsa was packed with people. no doubt the false alarm of marcos’s departure was partly to blame. it gave the people a taste of victory, short-lived but oh-so-sweet and worth dying for.

also at 3 p.m. marcos received an offer of asylum from singapore prime minister lee kuan yew. the president was grateful but said he had no intention of leaving the country.

4:30 p.m. ver and ramas decided to launch a final “suicide assault” on the rebels. tadiar was alerted to prepare a marine battalion to operate with brawner’s rangers in an assault on crame. both the marines and the rangers refused to take part.

also at 4:30 the political opposition finally got its act together. in a closed-door meeting, opposition and some kbl batasan members signed a proclamation naming corazon aquino and salvador laurel as the duly elected candidates in the february 7 elections. a provisional government was set up immediately after.

around 5 p.m. cory finally made it to edsa. in the company of family members and close supporters, mrs. aquino emerged from the main entrance of the poea building and spoke from a makeshift stage on the front steps: “…we have recovered our freedoms, our rights, and our dignity with much courage and, we thank god, with little blood.”

6 p.m. enrile and ramos faced the press for the first time since the take-over of channel 4. they announced an “almost complete” take-over and control of the new armed forces of the people. defections had rendered loyalists practically without air and naval strength.

7:30 p.m. the united states endorsed the provisional government of mrs. corazon aquino, abandoning a 20-year ally in mr. marcos for the sake of a “peaceful transition” in the Philippines.

8:10 p.m. marcos appeared live on channels 2, 9, and 13 tv with imelda, bongbong, imee, and grandchildren. the president called on loyal followers to report to the mendiola barricade to enlist and be issued firearms, or call him by phone, or come to his inauguration at the palace the next day. he reiterated that the country was under a state of emergency under which the government could take over broadcast media. and, “i hereby declare curfew all over the country from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. effective tonight.”

meanwhile, the cory camp and the enrile-ramos camp were arguing over where to hold her inauguration the next day. three groups of aquino advisers said it should take place at club filipino. enrile wanted it at the multi-purpose hall of camp crame, the rebel headquarters, citing security problems if they left the camp. the politicians, however, could not accept the idea of a new president sworn in inside a military camp.

and in the palace, the chief justice of the supreme court ramon aquino and his son had dinner with the marcos girls and their husbands. imee talked about the metro pop. irene made plans to go out with her music crowd. bongbong was dressed in fatigues and relished it. “feel na feel ko ang get-up ko ngayon,” he told the aquinos. only the sons-in-law seemed worried about the situation. the palace was one big fortress, with military men sleeping all over the place, including the corridors. they sat up till 11:00 p.m. talking.

as for the curfew, it was blithely defied. the crowds roaming all over downtown manila as well as the tourist belt were as large as the crowds manning edsa, santolan, and ortigas, and the militant sectors of san rafael, mendiola, legarda, and sta. mesa. more people were out and about than on any other night of the revolution.